The Political Dynamics of Urban Voting Behavior

1989 ◽  
Vol 33 (1) ◽  
pp. 150 ◽  
Author(s):  
Joel Lieske
Keyword(s):  
Voting Behavior ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Dynamics

scholarly journals PERBANDINGAN LOYALITAS PEMILIH ABANGAN DAN SANTRI TERHADAP KHOFIFAH DAN SAIFULLAH YUSUF PADA PEMILIHAN GUBERNUR JAWA TIMUR TAHUN 2018

2018 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 155
Author(s):  
Novy Setia Yunas ◽  
Baiqun Isbahi
Keyword(s):  
Voting Behavior ◽  
The Political ◽  
Comparison Analysis ◽  
Cultural Groups ◽  
Classical Study ◽  
Political Dynamics ◽  
Library Research ◽  
Four Corners ◽  
Clifford Geertz ◽  
Nahdlatul Ulama

This paper will review the comparison of loyalty of Abangan and Santri voters to two contestants in East Java Pilgub 2018. The reason, East Java Pilgub 2018 was followed by two contestants who both came from Nahdlatul Ulama. But on the other hand, political contestation in East Java cannot be separated from the cultural political dynamics scattered in the four corners of Mataraman, Tapal Kuda, Arek and Madura. These four regions certainly have the characteristics and loyalty of different voters both politically and sociologically. The political map certainly cannot be separated from Clifford Geertz classical study of the typology of the “aliran” politics (politik aliran) in Java. The method used in this paper is Library Research. The main information in this study was obtained through the analysis of the publication of the results of Kompas R&D survey in February and May 2018. The result of comparison analysis of loyalty of voters will not only know the extent of loyalty support of cultural groups on both candidates but see the tendency of reorientation of voting behavior in each cultural group from the influence of cadence and culture shifted to the orientation of the issues brought by the candidate.

Dogmatism and Presidential Preferences in the 1964 Elections

1968 ◽  
Vol 22 (3_suppl) ◽  
pp. 1197-1202 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gordon J. Di Renzo
Keyword(s):  
Voting Behavior ◽  
The Political ◽  
Interview Schedule ◽  
Partial Explanation ◽  
Presidential Candidates ◽  
Political Dynamics ◽  
Political Candidate ◽  
Party Preference ◽  
Voting Age ◽  
Election Results

A quota sample of voting-age male undergraduates was administered Form E of the Rokeach Dogmatism Scale as part of an interview schedule concerned with interest and activity in the 1964 presidential campaign and election. Results support previous evidence that dogmatism interacts significantly with political party preference but that the interaction of dogmatism and presidential preferences, despite the correlation with party preferences, is of much greater magnitude. Non-dogmatic scorers overwhelmingly selected Johnson; while dogmatic scorers, despite a slight preference for Goldwater, were more evenly divided in their preferences for presidential candidates. Personality provides a partial explanation for the political dynamics of “frontlash” and “backlash” alleged to have taken place in the 1964 elections. Voting behavior as a function of some measure of identification between the political elector and the political candidate is supported and the structure and the function of the polity seem in part dependent upon the personality structures of the political functionaries recruited into it and the congruent interaction of both the psychological and the sociological structures.

The Brunanburh Campaign: A Reappraisal

2005 ◽  
Vol 84 (2) ◽  
pp. 133-148 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kevin Halloran
Keyword(s):  
The Political ◽  
Variant Form ◽  
Political Dynamics ◽  
Battle Of Brunanburh

Modern accounts of the battle of Brunanburh have generally suggested a location in the Northumbrian-Mercian borderlands east or west of the Pennines, a conclusion based in part on analysis of the aims and strategy of Anlaf Guthfrithson, Viking king of Dublin. This article re-examines the political dynamics of the coalition against Athelstan, taking account of the territorial and political ambitions of the kings of Alba and Strathclyde, and proposes a radically different interpretation of the campaign of 937. It also questions the reliability of the variant form Brunanburh as a guide to the battle's location and concludes that the most likely site was Burnswark in Annandale.

Playing with Positionality?

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Paul Kingston
Keyword(s):  
Civil Society ◽  
Civil War ◽  
The Political ◽  
Research Projects ◽  
Research Project ◽  
Associational Life ◽  
Political Dynamics ◽  
Research Site ◽  
Theoretical Assumptions

The chapter outlines how researchers take on different roles and positionalities as they adapt to the field, moving, for instance, from that of an “outsider” laden with externalized theoretical assumptions and having few contacts with and knowledge of the research site to one approaching, to varying degrees, that of a “pseudo-insider.” Indeed, the argument here is that researchers make choices when moving from outsider to insider roles (and between them), contingently adapting their positionality in the hope to better understand the political dynamics that underlie research projects. The setting is post-civil war Lebanon and the research project revolves around an examination of the micropolitics of civil society and associational life in this re-emerging but fragmented polity.

Building Up Belonging: Diasporic “Homecomers”, the Ghanaian Government and Traditional Rulers: A Case of Return

2011 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 163-184 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gaia Delpino
Keyword(s):  
African Americans ◽  
Slave Trade ◽  
The Political ◽  
Local Authorities ◽  
Political Actors ◽  
Political Dynamics ◽  
Dynamic Relation ◽  
Atlantic Slave Trade ◽  
Southern Ghana ◽  
The Way

AbstractThis essay analyzes the political dynamics involved in the construction of belonging in the case of African Americans’ “return” from the diaspora generated by the Atlantic slave trade to a town in Southern Ghana. Given the articulated belief of common ancestral origins, such arrival was initially welcomed by all the three groups of actors involved: thereturnees, the local authorities, divided by a chieftaincy dispute, and the Ghanaian government that was supporting homecoming policies. The concepts of origins and kinship and the way to validate them, though, were differently conceived by the various political actors; furthermore each of them held dissimilar reasons and had different expectations behind this return. All these differences created a mutual, mutable and dynamic relation between the actors who were involved in the arrival and aimed to assert their authority.

Solons Fr. 12 G.-P.2 (= 9 W.2): ein Textvorschlag

Philologus ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 0 (0) ◽  
Author(s):  
Michele Solitario
Keyword(s):  
The Political ◽  
Essential Characteristic ◽  
Political Dynamics ◽  
Political Milieu ◽  
Indispensable Tool ◽  
The City

Abstract This paper proposes a new conjecture for Solon fr. 12 G.-P.2 (= 9 W.2). In this, as in other poems, Solon shows a clear desire to present himself as an expert in the political milieu and to serve as a guide for the community of Athens. The politician’s penetrating gaze, his far-sighted νόος, is able to grasp in nuce the development of political dynamics which, if they prevail, could mean the ruin of the city as a whole. Solon frames his νόος as an indispensable tool for the analysis of the city and its optimal and timely planning. To a secular conception of the νόος, which is the essential characteristic of the excellent politician, is added a traditional one that considers the νόος as a gift of Apollo. In this way, Solon appears as a politically engaged poet of the πόλις who mediates between the fighting factions and tries to work for the good of the community.

The Political Dynamics of Bureaucratic Turnover

2017 ◽  
Vol 49 (3) ◽  
pp. 823-836 ◽  
Author(s):  
Carl Dahlström ◽  
Mikael Holmgren
Keyword(s):  
Decision Making ◽  
Research Note ◽  
Political Control ◽  
The Political ◽  
Partisan Politics ◽  
Political Dynamics ◽  
Selection Strategies ◽  
Screening Strategies ◽  
Policy Objectives ◽  
Unique Dataset

This Research Note explores the political dynamics of bureaucratic turnover. It argues that changes in a government’s policy objectives can shift both political screening strategies and bureaucratic selection strategies, which produces turnover of agency personnel. To buttress this conjecture, it analyzes a unique dataset tracing the careers of all agency heads in the Swedish executive bureaucracy between 1960 and 2014. It shows that, despite serving on fixed terms and with constitutionally protected decision-making powers, Swedish agency heads are considerably more likely to leave their posts following partisan shifts in government. The note concludes that, even in institutional systems seemingly designed to insulate bureaucratic expertise from political control, partisan politics can shape the composition of agency personnel.

scholarly journals Political Trust in the “Places That Don't Matter”

2021 ◽  
Vol 3 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lawrence McKay ◽  
Will Jennings ◽  
Gerry Stoker
Keyword(s):  
Economic Development ◽  
Rural Areas ◽  
Voting Behavior ◽  
Political Trust ◽  
Radical Change ◽  
The Political ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Economic Deprivation ◽  
Recent Success ◽  
Social Marginality

A popular explanation for the recent success of right-wing populist candidates, parties and movements is that this is the “revenge of the places that don't matter”. Under this meso-level account, as economic development focuses on increasingly prosperous cities, voters in less dynamic and rural areas feel neglected by the political establishment, and back radical change. However, this premise is typically tested through the analysis of voting behavior rather than directly through citizens' feelings of political trust, and non-economic sources of grievance are not explored. We develop place-oriented measures of trust, perceived social marginality and perceived economic deprivation. We show that deprived and rural areas of Britain indeed lack trust in government. However, the accompanying sense of grievance for each type of area is different. Modeling these as separate outcomes, our analysis suggests that outside of cities, people lack trust because they feel socially marginal, whereas people in deprived areas lack trust owing to a combination of perceived economic deprivation and perceived social marginality. Our results speak to the need to recognize diversity among the “places that don't matter,” and that people in these areas may reach a similar outlook on politics for different reasons.

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