scholarly journals NAHDLATUL UlAMA (NU) DALAM DINAMIKA POLITIK LOKAL: Studi Kasus pada PEMILUKADA di Kabupaten Sumenep Tahun 2010

2017 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
pp. 51
Author(s):  
Nur Faizin
Keyword(s):  
Political Party ◽  
Research Method ◽  
Central Government ◽  
The Political ◽  
Local Elites ◽  
Political Dynamics ◽  
Local Election ◽  
Local Elite ◽  
Nahdlatul Ulama ◽  
The Subject

Nahdlatul Ulama (NU) plays an important role in various aspects of Indonesians’ life. In a political sphere, NU had became a respected political party. Eventually, NU decided to withdraw from politics through the declaration of khittah, which was mandated by the National Alim Ulama NU meeting at Pondok Pesantren Salafiah Syafi’iyah Sukorejo, Situbondo, East Java on 13-16 Rabi’ul Awwal 1404 H / 18-21 December 1983 M. However, this declaration is not immediately release its’ cadres not to plunge in the political stage. Nowadays, many NU cadres occupying important positions both in local and the central government. Therefore, it is interesting to observe how local elite of NU in Sumenep during the local election contribute to shape political dynamics in the region. This research using qualitative research method by employing interpretive and naturalistic approaches to the subject of study. The key informants for this research are those who actively engage in politics, especially the elites of the NU and their followers. This study found that there are continuity relations between the NU elites who take part in practical political stage and those who are behind the political stage. In addition, the battle of several candidates for government position among the local elites of NU pushed the blessing of kyai away from the significant factor of voters to decide whom they had chosen in the last election.NU (Nadlatul Ulama) berperan penting dalam berbagai kehidupan berbangsa dan bernegara. Dalam ranah politik, NU pernah menjadi sebuah partai besar yang disegani. Akhirnya ia memilih keluar dari lingkaran percaturan pilitik praktis melalui khittah NU 1926 yang dipuruskan melalui musyawarah Nasional Alim Ulama NU di Pondok Pesantren Salafiah Syafi’iyah Sukorejo, Situbondo, Jawa Timur pada tanggal 13-16 Robi’ul Awwal 1404 H/18-21 Desember 1983 M. Sejak saat itu NU dan politik terpisah secara praktis. Namun demikian tidak dengan serta merta melepas para kader-kadernya untuk tidak terjun di panggung politik. Saat ini telah banyak kader NU menduduki posisi penting baik di pemerintahan daerah hingga pemerintahan pusat. Hal tersebut tentunya tidak terlepas dari background rumah asal mereka sebagai golongan nahdliyin. Begitu pula yang terjadi di daerah Kabupaten Sumenep. Sejak pemilihan umum secara langsung tidak sedikit kader NU duduk di pemerintahan lokal sebgai DPRD ataupun kepala pemerintah daerah (bupati). Yang menjadi persoalan utama di sini ialah tidak hanya mereka yang menang merebut kuasa, namun lebih pada bagaimana pengaruh elite lokal NU dalam dinamika Pemilukada di Kabupaten Sumenep terutama pada tahun 2010. Dalam penelitian ini menggunakan metode penelitian kualitatif, yang memfokuskan diri pada perhatian dengan berbagai metode mencakup pendekatan interpretatif dan naturalistik terhadap subjek kajiannya. Sedangkan lokasi penelitian ialah di Kabupaten Sumenep, Jawa Timur. Sasaran penelitian masyarakat Sumenep dan elite NU Kabupaten Sumenep. Walau penelitian berlangsung selama satu bulan penelitian termasuk prelimenary research. Dalam penelitian ini ditemukan beberapa rangkaian kesinambungan antara elite NU yang berkiprah di panggung politik praktis dan mereka yang berada di belakang panggung. Selain itu pertarungan beberapa calon kepala pemerintahan yang nota bane adalah rata-rata sebagai warga nahdliyin tidak menjadikan pengaruh atau restu kiai sebagai alasan utama pemilih pada Pemilukada tahun 2010 memilih calon yang dikehendaki.Key words: NU, Local Election, Kyai, and Politics.

scholarly journals DINAMIKA POLITIK SEPULUH TAHUN PERDAMAIAN DI ACEH (Analisis Politik Kawasan Pesisir Timur Aceh)

2019 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 50-60
Author(s):  
Usman Usman
Keyword(s):  
Qualitative Research ◽  
Political Violence ◽  
Political Party ◽  
Field Observation ◽  
East Coast ◽  
Central Government ◽  
Accurate Description ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Dynamics ◽  
Political Dominance

The aim of this study is to find out the situation, condition, and politic impact towards Acehnese society in ten years after reconciliation. The qualitative research is used in this study which the result to create a systemic, factual, and accurate description of the facts, characteristics as well as the related phenomena which is being investigation. The collecting data, the researcher used interview and field observation in Lhoksemawe, North Aceh, and Bireun. The result found that the political dominance in the East Coast Aceh is still controlled by Gerakan Aceh Merdeka which is affecting the political policies between Central Government and Aceh Government. For instance, it emerge the major conflicts within Gerakan Aceh Merdeka, such as Din Minimi, and political party rivalry. This political dynamics phenomena also affects the East Coast society life, such as political violence, intimidation, terror, and other political violences

scholarly journals KOMUNIKASI POLITIK KIAI DALAM PENCALONAN GUS IPUL PUTI PADA PILKADA JAWA TIMUR TAHUN 2018

2019 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 47
Author(s):  
Bayu Priambodo
Keyword(s):  
Political Communication ◽  
Political Party ◽  
The Body ◽  
The Political ◽  
Religious Organization ◽  
Local Election ◽  
Nahdlatul Ulama ◽  
Descriptive Qualitative

ABSTRACT                 This research seeks to see the kiai political communication in the nomination of Gus Ipul Puti in the East Java regional election in 2018. East Java Province is the basis of the Nahdlatul Ulama which is the largest religious organization in Indonesia. But in the 2018 elections the two best keders from the Nahdlatul Ulama organization fought in the elections to fight for the number one seat in East Java. The existence of this phenomenon resulted in segregation within the body of the Nahdlatul ulama organization so as to form two major shafts in East Java's political content. The Lirboyo axis is the axis that supports Gus Ipul and Puti while the Tebuireng axis is the axis that supports Khofifaf and Emil. The method in this study uses descriptive qualitative where data is obtained from interviews with several scholars who support the nomination of Gus Ipul and Puti. The results of this study indicate that the kiai political communication in nominating Gus Ipul as governor had occurred 10 years ago precisely in the East Java regional election in 2008 but because at that time Gus Ipul did not yet have a political party, he was paired with Soekarwo to become deputy governor. The political communication produced a document called the Lirboyo agreement which contained Gus Ipul who would accompany Seokarwo for two periods as deputy governor. The results of political communication were not violated for 10 years because at the time of the 2013 East Java regional election Gus Ipul was still accompanying Seokarwo as deputy governor..Keywords:  Political communication, kiai, nahdlatul ulama, local election. ABSTRAK Penelitian  ini berusaha untuk melihat komunikasi politik kiai dalam pencalonan Gus Ipul Puti pada pilkada Jawa Timur di tahun 2018. Provinsi Jawa Timur merupakan basis dari Nahdlatul Ulama yang merupakan organisasi keagamaan terbesar di Indonesia. Namun dalam pemilu tahun 2018 dua keder terbaik dari organisasi Nahdlatul Ulama bertarung dalam pilkada untuk memperebutkan kursi no satu yang ada di Jawa Timur. Dengan adanya fenomena tersebut mengakibatkan terjadinya segregasi di dalam tubuh organisasi Nahdlatul ulama sehingga membentuk dua poros besar dalam kontentasi politik Jawa Timur. Poros Lirboyo adalah poros yang mendukung Gus Ipul dan Puti sedangkan poros Tebuireng adalah poros yang mendukung Khififaf dan Emil. Metode dalam penelitian ini menggunakan kualitatif deskritif dimana data diperoleh dari wawancara dengan beberapa kiai yang mendukung pencalonan Gus Ipul dan puti. Hasil dari penelitian ini menujukkan bahwa komunikasi politik kiai dalam mencalonkan Gus Ipul sebagai gubernur sudah terjadi sejak 10 tahun lalu tepatnya pada pilkada Jawa Timur tahun 2008 namun karena saat itu Gus Ipul belum memiliki partai politik akhirnya dipasangkan dengan Soekarwo untuk menjadi wakil gubernur. Komunikasi politik tersebut menghasilkan dokumen yang dinamakan perjanjian Lirboyo yang isinya Gus Ipul akan mendampingi Seokarwo selama dua periode menjadi wakil gubernur. Hasil komunikasi politik tersebut tidak dilanggar selama 10 tahun karena pada waktu pilkada Jawa Timur tahun 2013 Gus Ipul masih mendampingi Seokarwo sebagai wakil gubernur.Kata Kunci: Komunikasi politik, kiai, nahdlatul ulama, pilkada

Local Elite

2012 ◽  
Author(s):  
Yuri Pines
Keyword(s):  
The Political ◽  
Local Elites ◽  
Core Group ◽  
Late Imperial ◽  
Political Dynamics ◽  
Local Elite ◽  
Administrative Power ◽  
State Elite ◽  
The Government ◽  
Imperial State

This chapter focuses primarily on those members of local elites who were connected to the government apparatus. This core group of local elites had decisively shaped state-elite interactions throughout imperial history. The chapter first outlines historical changes in the character of local elites and in their relations with the pre-imperial, the early imperial, and the late imperial state. It shows that the process of establishing viable relations between these elites and the bureaucracy was a lengthy and painful one, and that it took more than a full millennium for the empire to learn how to harness local elites to its cause. Even then, tension between holders of social and of administrative power remained highly visible, and cycles of cooperation and contest between them shaped much of the political dynamics of the imperial age.

scholarly journals Praktik Pernikahan dalam Masyarakat Lokal: Agensi versus Agama

2020 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 35-52
Author(s):  
Budiman Pohan ◽  
Muhamad Fadhil Nurdin
Keyword(s):  
Observational Data ◽  
Study Design ◽  
Research Method ◽  
Power Relations ◽  
Local Elites ◽  
Case Study Design ◽  
Local Elite ◽  
Qualitative Descriptive ◽  
Dialectical Process

This study aims to describe the dialectical process between local agents and religious structures in the practice of marriage in Padang Sidempuan. The research method is qualitative descriptive with a case study design that focuses on narrating the objective conditions of agent and structure duality. Informants were chosen purposively, supported by observational data, interviews, and documentation. Data analyzed through the process of collection, reduction, exposition, verification, and conclusion. The results showed that: 1) Conceptually, the practice of marriage experienced practical distortions that were configured through consensus of sharia and local elites; 2) the practice of marriage is a phenomenon of the duality of agents and structuring each other; 3) agent habitus is dominated by Mandailing culture through power relations and surplus capital of the local elite compared to the sharia procedure of religious structure. However, the competence of agents is able to compress marital rules into semi-complex; 4) the importance of promoting religious habituation strategies through internalization and dissemination of alternative sharia marriage practices.

scholarly journals KONTRIBUSI NU SEBAGAI ORGANISASI CIVIL SOCIETY DALAM DEMOKRATISASI

Dialog ◽  
2015 ◽  
Vol 38 (1) ◽  
pp. 51-64
Author(s):  
Suryani Suryani
Keyword(s):  
Civil Society ◽  
The Political ◽  
Muslim Community ◽  
Political Dynamics ◽  
The People ◽  
Nahdlatul Ulama

This paper illustrates how the political dynamics of Nahdlatul Ulama (NU) as a part of civil society in Indonesia in the national political constellation. NU is a concrete example of the people power in the form of civil society whose existence should be noted. As the largest Muslim community in Indonesia, NU was recorded as the entity who contacted and reinforced the concept of civil society in Indonesia earlier than other Muslim modernist communities. NU activists and intellectuals play an earlier role in developing the discourse of civil society since the independence to now compared to Muhammadiyah, HMI alumni, or other Muslim leaders alumni from Masyumi.

Koncepcje rozwiązania kryzysu ekonomicznego przez dominujące polskie partie polityczne w latach 2008–2009

2018 ◽  
Vol 19 (254) ◽  
Author(s):  
Marek Barszcz
Keyword(s):  
Financial Crisis ◽  
Gross Domestic Product ◽  
Political Party ◽  
Budget Deficit ◽  
Global Financial Crisis ◽  
Quantitative Approach ◽  
Domestic Product ◽  
The Political ◽  
The Subject

The subject of the article is the political concepts of the last global financial crisis, whichbegan in Poland in 2008. In the study of political party and government demands for theeconomic crisis, a comparative and quantitative approach was used in the form of statisticaldata on growth of Gross Domestic Product and the adopted budget deficit and its relation toGross domestic product. Research covers the years 2008–2009.Keywords: financial crisis, political programs, political declarations

Problems of Social Stratification and the Demarcation of National and Local Elites in British Ceylon

1974 ◽  
Vol 33 (4) ◽  
pp. 549-577 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael Roberts
Keyword(s):  
Social Stratification ◽  
Middle Level ◽  
The Political ◽  
Late Nineteenth Century ◽  
Social Category ◽  
Middle Classes ◽  
Political Activities ◽  
Lower Middle Class ◽  
Local Elites ◽  
Local Elite

Political developments in Ceylon during the 1950's drew attention to the forward thrust of a social formation in the Sinhala districts which has been described variously as “the rural middle classes,” “the lower middle-class traditionalists,” a “new village leadership” and so on. The political antecedents of this “group” were not traced beyond the 1930's, though several writers recognized that it was part of a social category which existed in British times. In recent articles it has been argued that the political activities of individuals drawn from this social category date back to the late nineteenth century. Be that as it may, it is obviously of value to clarify the lines of differentiation between this middle-level social category and the indigenous elite placed hierarchically above them. The former can be described as a “sub-elite,” a “subordinate elite,” an “intermediate elite,” or a “local elite.” The latter can be described as a “macro-elite,” a “central elite” or a “national elite.” Though convenience dictates the choice of one of these combinations, a reference to the alternatives is necessary because each captures a facet which the other labels do not convey.

scholarly journals Muhammadiyah’s Moderation Stance in the 2019 General Election: Critical Views from Within

2019 ◽  
Vol 57 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-24
Author(s):  
Haedar Nashir ◽  
Zuly Qodir ◽  
Achmad Nurmandi ◽  
Hasse Jubba ◽  
Mega Hidayati
Keyword(s):  
Political Party ◽  
General Election ◽  
The Political ◽  
Focus Group Discussions ◽  
Group Discussions ◽  
Middle Way ◽  
Grass Root ◽  
Grass Root Level ◽  
Nahdlatul Ulama ◽  
Moderate Position

This study focuses on the way in which Muhammadiyah, one of Indonesia’s largest Islamic organizations, stood in the 2019 General Election. Like its counterpart Nahdlatul Ulama, Muhammadiyah has marked the moderation of Islam in Indonesia, different from Islam elsewhere in the Middle East. Since its establishment, Muhammadiyah has urged its members not to join any specific political party, but rather to take a moderate position in political pragmatism and support patriotism in broader national interest. Likewise, in the 2019 election, Muhammadiyah did not organizationally support any candidates, citing its “middle way” approach. However, this study identifies a dualism in the political attitudes of Muhammadiyah’s elites. Even without official orders or prohibitions from the central leadership, some Muhammadiyah members got involved and carried their organization’s attributes to support certain candidates, resulting in political division within the organization. Some members of the organization took a clear political stance, whereas others remain neutral. This created tension within the organization in both elite and grass-root level. The main data for this study were collected through interviews, unstructured discussions, and focus group discussions with several Muhammadiyah elites.[Artikel ini melihat posisi yang diambil salah satu organisasi Islam terbesar di Indonesia, Muhammadiyah, dalam Pemilu 2019. Bersamaan dengan Nahdlatul Ulama, Muhammadiyah menjadi penanda moderasi Islam di Indonesia yang berbeda dengan Islam di tempat lain. Sejak didirikan, Muhammadiyah telah menandaskan untuk tidak berafiliasi dengan partai politik tertentu, tetapi mengambil posisi moderat dalam perpolitikan dan mendukung patriotisme demi kepentingan nasional yang lebih luas. Demikian juga, dalam Pemilu 2019, Muhammadiyah secara resmi tidak mendukung calon mana pun berdasarkan konsep “jalan tengah”. Namun, penelitian ini mengidentifikasi adanya dualisme dalam sikap politik para elit Muhammadiyah. Tidak adanya perintah atau larangan resmi dari pusat, banyak anggota Muhammadiyah yang membawa atribut organisasi dan terlibat aktivitas politik serta mendukung kandidat tertentu. Ini berakibat munculnya keterbelahan politik dalam Muhammadiyah. Beberapa anggota mengambil sikap politik yang jelas, sedangkan yang lain tetap netral. Ini menimbulkan ketegangan dalam organisasi, baik di tingkat elit maupun akar rumput. Data utama untuk penelitian ini dikumpulkan melalui wawancara, diskusi tidak terstruktur, dan diskusi kelompok terfokus dengan beberapa elit Muhammadiyah.]

scholarly journals A COMPARISON OF INDONESIAN AND SINGAPORE’S POLITICAL SYSTEMS

2021 ◽  
Vol 8 (7) ◽  
Author(s):  
Esy Maestro ◽  
Muhammad Ilham ◽  
R. Rusdinal ◽  
Azwar Ananda ◽  
Nurhizrah Gistituati
Keyword(s):  
Political Party ◽  
Research Method ◽  
Political System ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Systems ◽  
Literature Study ◽  
Better Than

<p>The purpose of this study was to illustrate the comparison of the political systems of Indonesia and Singapore. The research method in this paper is a literature study sourced from a collection of books, national and international journals, relevant government pages, and actual news on an official government media pages described descriptively. The results show that Singapore's political system tends to be better than Indonesia because it has clear rules on the source and transparency of the use of political party funds. Through the review of a number of journals, it is expected that Indonesia can implement the Singapore government's policy of regulating political party funds so as to prevent corruption of political party funds. </p><p> </p><p><strong> Article visualizations:</strong></p><p><img src="/-counters-/edu_01/0778/a.php" alt="Hit counter" /></p>

scholarly journals Koalisi Partai Politik di Kabinet: Antara Penguatan Lembaga Kepresidenan atau Politik Balas Budi

2020 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 111
Author(s):  
Muhammad Yusrizal Adi Syaputra
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Political Party ◽  
Research Method ◽  
The Political ◽  
Legal Research ◽  
Conceptual Approach ◽  
The Republic ◽  
The Government

The political party's position as a determinant of government head nomination in Indonesia made the political party a central and strong role in the determination of the Cabinet in the presidential government of Indonesia and allowed the political party to determine the Cabinet domination established by the President elected. This research aims to determine the model of the presidential institution strengthening in the multi-party era in Indonesia and to know the political and juridical construction of the presidential institution in determining the cabinet in Indonesia. The method used is a normative legal research method with a conceptual approach. The results of this research are, firstly that the strengthening of the presidential institution in the multi-party era can occur when done with the restriction of political parties through the mechanism of the parliamentary threshold. Secondly, that the political construction of the cabinet determination by the President is based on the coalition of political party supporters of the government, and the juridical construction of the President may elect the Minister of the party proposal because it is based on article 6A paragraph (2) The Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia 1945. Kedudukan partai politik sebagai penentu pencalonan kepala pemerintahan di Indonesia menjadikan Partai Politik memiliki peran sentral dan kuat dalam penentuan kabinet di Pemerintahan Presidentiil Indonesia dan memungkinkan partai politik untuk menentukan dominasi kabinet yang dibentuk oleh Presiden terpilih. Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk mengetahui model penguatan lembaga kepresidenan pada era multi partai di Indonesia, dan untuk mengetahui konstruksi politis dan yuridis lembaga kepresidenan dalam menentukan kabinet di Indonesia. Metode yang digunakan adalah metode penelitian hukum normatif dengan pendekatan konseptual. Hasil penelitian memperlihatkan bahwa pertama, penguatan lembaga kepresidenan di era multi partai dapat terjadi apabila dilakukan dengan pembatasan partai politik melalui mekanisme parlementary threshold. Kedua, bahwa konstruksi politis penentuan kabinet oleh presiden didasarkan atas koalisi partai politik pendukung pemerintahan, dan konstruksi yuridis presiden dapat memilih menteri dari usulan partai karena didasarkan pada Pasal 6A ayat (2) UUD 1945.

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