Low-Intensity Democracy Revisited: The Effects of Economic Liberalization on Political Activity in Latin America

2007 ◽  
Vol 60 (1) ◽  
pp. 97-121 ◽  
Author(s):  
Moises Arce ◽  
Paul T. Bellinger
Keyword(s):  
Political Participation ◽  
Latin American ◽  
Large Scale ◽  
Free Market ◽  
Economic Liberalization ◽  
Political Activity ◽  
Low Intensity ◽  
Collective Actors ◽  
Cast Doubt ◽  
Latin American Countries

Existing literature emphasizes the disorganizing or weakening effects of economic liberalization on civil society, whereby free-market policies are said to demobilize and depoliticize collective actors. The article evaluates the effects of economic liberalization on large-scale societal mobilizations across seventeen Latin American countries for the period 1970–2000. The article further tests the effects of economic liberalization on individual political participation across sixteen Latin American countries for the period 1980–2000. In contrast to the atomization literature, this article provides strong evidence that economic liberalization leads to greater levels of societal mobilization in the context of free-market democratization. The article also demonstrates that economic liberalization does not induce a decline in political participation. Collectively, these results cast doubt on the theoretical underpinnings and empirical findings presented in Kurtz (2004).

Infrastructure

2020 ◽  
pp. 181-197
Author(s):  
Nicola Miller
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
Latin America ◽  
Latin American ◽  
Free Market ◽  
Late Nineteenth Century ◽  
Common Belief ◽  
Infrastructure Projects ◽  
Role Of The State ◽  
History Of ◽  
Latin American Countries

This chapter recounts the Latin American countries that welcomed foreign innovation and expertise for technically demanding infrastructure projects. It mentions how the American continent's first railways were built by Spanish American engineers under contract to the respective states, contrary to the common belief that British or US American companies always led the way. It also focuses on the visibility and intensity of public concern about the relationship between science and sovereignty in late nineteenth-century Latin America. The chapter reviews the overlooked history of resistance in Latin American countries on handing over infrastructure projects to private companies, especially if they were foreign owned. It disputes conceptions of the role of the state and provides further evidence for the argument that free-market liberals did not have their own way in nineteenth-century Latin America.

Regional and Preferential Agreements: The ‘Pacific’ and ‘Atlantic’ Styles in Latin America

2019 ◽  
pp. 623-649
Author(s):  
Rodrigo Polanco Lazo
Keyword(s):  
Latin America ◽  
Latin American ◽  
Economic Integration ◽  
Economic Liberalization ◽  
Important Group ◽  
The Pacific ◽  
Institutional Responses ◽  
Investment Agreements ◽  
Latin American Countries ◽  
Trade And Investment

Nowadays, two fundamentally different institutional responses to global economic liberalization coexist in Latin America: the ‘Atlantic style’ (closer to closed regionalism) and the ‘Pacific style’ (closer to open regionalism). In the context of never-ending efforts of an elusive Latin-American integration, this chapter advances the idea that the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) is at least successful in consolidating a model of economic integration based on preferential trade and investment agreements for an important group of Latin American countries that follow the ‘Pacific’ style. Whereas the Pacific Alliance countries have embraced neoliberal trade and investment agreements actively and expanded their scope of influence, other countries, such as the Bolivarian Alliance, have responded with active counter-organizing but with fading influence in the region. But as often happens in Latin America, these styles are not absolute and being tempered by countries like Argentina that have blends or pragmatist (pick-and-choose) strategies, taking elements from both styles.

scholarly journals Using Joint Scaling Methods to Study Ideology and Representation: Evidence from Latin America

2015 ◽  
Vol 23 (3) ◽  
pp. 363-384 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sebastián M. Saiegh
Keyword(s):  
Latin America ◽  
Latin American ◽  
Large Scale ◽  
Latin American Politics ◽  
Common Space ◽  
Scaling Methods ◽  
Ideological Space ◽  
Political Spectrum ◽  
The Right ◽  
Latin American Countries

In this article, I use joint scaling methods and similar items from three large-scale surveys to place voters, parties, and politicians from different Latin American countries on a common ideological space. The findings reveal that ideology is a significant determinant of vote choice in Latin America. They also suggest that the success of leftist leaders at the polls reflects the views of the voters sustaining their victories. The location of parties and leaders reveals that three distinctive clusters exist: one located at the left of the political spectrum, another at the center, and a third on the right. The results also indicate that legislators in Brazil, Mexico, and Peru tend to be more “leftists” than their voters. The ideological drift, however, is not significant enough to substantiate the view that a disconnect between voters and politicians lies behind the success of leftist presidents in these countries. These findings highlight the importance of using a common-space scale to compare disparate populations and call into question a number of recent studies by scholars of Latin American politics who fail to adequately address this important issue.

International Monetary Fund

1961 ◽  
Vol 15 (4) ◽  
pp. 710-712
Keyword(s):  
International Monetary Fund ◽  
Latin American ◽  
Free Market ◽  
Monetary Policies ◽  
United States Dollar ◽  
Capital Movements ◽  
The Government ◽  
One Year ◽  
Latin American Countries ◽  
The International Monetary Fund

On June 7, 1961, it was announced that the International Monetary Fund had entered into a stand-by arrangement authorizing the government of Ecuador to draw up to $10 million in currencies held by the Fund during the following twelve months. Then, on July 19 the Fund announced that it had concurred in the establishment of a new par value for Ecuador's currency, accompanied by a simplification of the country's exchange system. The par value as of that date was changed from 15 to 18 sucres per United States dollar, and Ecuador discontinued most of its multiple rate practices. Under the new system at least 90 percent of all trade and trade-connected transactions, including the export of such major products as bananas, coffee and cacao, was to be conducted within one percent either side of parity, while a small free market with a fluctuating rate, mainly for nonessential invisible transactions and unregistered capital transactions, was to continue to operate, chiefly as a means of controlling capital movements. During the period under review the Fund also entered into stand-by agreements wkh other Latin American countries. On July 14, 1961, the Fund announced a one-year stand-by arrangement with the government of El Salvador authorizing drawings in an amount equivalent to $11.25 million. The Fund's assistance was designed to help to support the country's reserve position and ensure the continued convertibility of its currency while measures were being adopted to improve El Salvador's internal situation through appropriate fiscal and monetary policies.

scholarly journals ‘Digital Citizens’: Political Participation of Russian Youth Online

2021 ◽  
pp. 143-155
Author(s):  
Roman Pyrma
Keyword(s):  
Social Media ◽  
Political Participation ◽  
Large Scale ◽  
Online Survey ◽  
Social Activity ◽  
Political Activity ◽  
Political Aspect ◽  
The Status ◽  
Combination Of Methods ◽  
The Impact

The study contributes to defining the impact of digital communication on civic and political participation, explaining how social media mediate public activism. Based on the concept of the ‘digital citizenship’ the paper reveals the political aspect of the public activism of Russian youth online. The empirical model is based on a combination of methods and procedures of applied research in order to reveal the details of civil and political participation, and protest activism of youth online. The research model includes analysis of social media and a large-scale online survey of the younger audience. Based on the analysis of social media information flows, the paper states the prevalence of the youth’s civic participation over political participation, as well as the fact that the dynamics of social activity depend on the events and the current agenda. The authors describe the level of civic and political activity of youth online based on sociological data. They also divide the audience of the protest theatre according to the following models: leaders, activists, followers, and spectators. In general, the study reveals the status and details of the younger generation’s communication activity online, where communities establish and implications of linking actions appear.

From proclamation to denial

2018 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 49-81 ◽  
Author(s):  
Catherine Alès
Keyword(s):  
Political Participation ◽  
Indigenous People ◽  
Indigenous Peoples ◽  
Latin American ◽  
Indigenous Rights ◽  
American States ◽  
Participation Politique ◽  
America Latina ◽  
Latin American Countries ◽  
Peuples Autochtones

English Abstract:The indigenous people of Venezuela, long excluded from political participation, registered a whole set of rights within the new constitution in 1999. However, the proclamation of these rights did not ensure their full implementation and, a fortiori, their purpose to protect the survival of indigenous peoples. This article presents an analysis of the processes through which indigenous rights have been allocated but poorly implemented and even substantially withdrawn. In many Latin American states, the rights that promote autonomy and self-government are actively abandoned notwithstanding cultural, political, and economic contexts be they progressive or conservative. Through this analysis, this article proposes the concept of “proclamation-denial”. While this concept is relevant for numerous Latin American countries, this article highlights the specificities of the Venezuelan case.Spanish Abstract: Los pueblos indígenas de Venezuela, históricamente excluidos de la participación política, lograron que se registrara todo un conjunto de derechos particulares dentro de la nueva constitución en 1999. Sin embargo, la proclamación de estos derechos no garantizó su plena aplicación y, a fortiori, su propósito de proteger la supervivencia de los pueblos indígenas. Este artículo analiza los procesos por los cuales los derechos indígenas han sido legalmente asignados pero débilmente implementados, y hasta desconocidos sustancialmente. En muchos estados latinoamericanos, los derechos que promueven la autonomía y el autogobierno son activamente abandonados, y esto que el contexto cultural, político y económico sea progresista o conservador. A través de este análisis, este artículo propone el concepto de «proclamación-negación». Si bien este concepto es relevante para numerosos países de América Latina, el texto destaca las especificidades del caso venezolano.French Abstract:Longtemps exclus de la participation politique, les autochtones du Venezuela ont su inscrire tout un ensemble de droits particuliers au sein de la nouvelle constitution en 1999. La proclamation de ces droits n’a cependant pas garanti leur pleine application ni, a fortiori, son objectif de protéger la survivance des peuples autochtones. Cet article présente une analyse des processus par lesquels les droits autochtones ont été attribués mais faiblement implémentés, et ont même substantiellement régressé. Dans plusieurs Etats d’Amérique latine, les droits qui promeuvent l’autonomie et l’auto-gouvernement sont activement abandonnés, indépendamment du fait que le contexte culturel, politique et économique soit progressiste ou conservateur. A travers cette analyse, l’article propose le concept de «proclamation-dénégation». Tandis que ce concept est pertinent pour de nombreux pays d’Amérique latine, le texte illustre les spécificités du cas vénézuélien.

scholarly journals The political integration of newcomers of Latin American origin to Canada: An examination of the role and relevance of prior knowledge

2008 ◽  
Vol 4 ◽  
Author(s):  
Neyda H. Long ◽  
Andrew S. Hughes
Keyword(s):  
Political Participation ◽  
Prior Knowledge ◽  
Latin American ◽  
Social Action ◽  
Community Involvement ◽  
Political Activity ◽  
The Political ◽  
Full Spectrum ◽  
Political Dimensions ◽  
Policies And Programs

The purpose of this research was to map the understanding of the concept of political participation held by newcomers to Canada from countries from Spanish-speaking Latin America. The relevance of the work lies in the view that this prior knowledge plays a significant role in how newcomers adjust to political activity in the new society. Canada has tacitly recognized the full spectrum of participation and belonging for newcomers, including its economic, social and political dimensions, but the historical emphasis in policies and programs has been upon economic and social integration. Here, attention is directed to the issue of integration into the political fabric of the nation. The research employed a phenomenographic method and data were generated from 70 individuals from 30 families. The findings revealed that the participants attach considerable importance to political participation whether through conventional electoral politics or through grass-roots actions. For the study participants, the concept of political participation includes components related to emotional commitments, community involvement, social action, freedom of conscience, the power to make a difference and identification with Canada. The findings show that the motivational force to belong channels the preferred forms of political engagement.

Community Organizations and Latin America’s Poorest Citizens: Voting, Protesting, and Contacting Government

2020 ◽  
Vol 62 (4) ◽  
pp. 98-125
Author(s):  
Carew Boulding ◽  
Claudio A. Holzner
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Political Participation ◽  
Survey Data ◽  
Latin American ◽  
Strong Predictor ◽  
Community Organizations ◽  
Poor People ◽  
Income Groups ◽  
Politically Active ◽  
Latin American Countries

ABSTRACTHow do Latin America’s poorest citizens participate in politics? This article explores the role that community organizations play in mobilizing individuals into three common modes of political participation: voting, protesting, and contacting government. It argues that community organizations help mobilize poor individuals both through the resources they provide for mobilization and because they serve as sites where political parties target individuals for mobilization. It analyzes survey data from LAPOP surveys for 18 Latin American countries and finds that overall, poor people are just as politically active as more affluent individuals; that involvement in community organizations is a very strong predictor of all types of political participation; and that membership in organizations has an especially strong effect on voting and protesting for poor people. By equalizing levels of political participation across income groups, organizations help erase class-based inequalities in participation that have plagued democracies in the region.

scholarly journals Post-conflict Policies in Colombia. An approach of the potentiality of South-South Cooperation (SSC) in the peace process

2018 ◽  
Vol 20 (39) ◽  
pp. 7-23
Author(s):  
Alexandra Jima Gonzalez ◽  
Miguel Paradela López ◽  
Ana María Serrano Ávila
Keyword(s):  
Political Participation ◽  
Latin American ◽  
Peace Process ◽  
Civil Conflicts ◽  
Post Conflict ◽  
Colombian Government ◽  
Money Transfers ◽  
Latin American Countries ◽  
Important Milestone

The agreement between the Colombian government and FARC-EP insurgency is an important milestone towards the resolution of one of the longest civil conflicts in history. However, there are several issues that have not been completely addressed: disarmament, reinsertion of former combatants, political participation and justice. Taking into account these needs, South-South Cooperation (SSC) becomes relevant, especially as it targets technical and participatory assistance rather than just direct money transfers. In this context, the article has three purposes: firstly, it analyzes the post-conflict policies implemented up-to-date. Secondly, it investigates specific policies coming from SSC sources. And finally, it extrapolates SSC initiatives from other Latin American countries that have endured similar conflicts. It is concluded that, though SSC is inspiring post-conflict policies in Colombia, there are some other unexplored prospects that could be useful.

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