From proclamation to denial

2018 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 49-81 ◽  
Author(s):  
Catherine Alès

English Abstract:The indigenous people of Venezuela, long excluded from political participation, registered a whole set of rights within the new constitution in 1999. However, the proclamation of these rights did not ensure their full implementation and, a fortiori, their purpose to protect the survival of indigenous peoples. This article presents an analysis of the processes through which indigenous rights have been allocated but poorly implemented and even substantially withdrawn. In many Latin American states, the rights that promote autonomy and self-government are actively abandoned notwithstanding cultural, political, and economic contexts be they progressive or conservative. Through this analysis, this article proposes the concept of “proclamation-denial”. While this concept is relevant for numerous Latin American countries, this article highlights the specificities of the Venezuelan case.Spanish Abstract: Los pueblos indígenas de Venezuela, históricamente excluidos de la participación política, lograron que se registrara todo un conjunto de derechos particulares dentro de la nueva constitución en 1999. Sin embargo, la proclamación de estos derechos no garantizó su plena aplicación y, a fortiori, su propósito de proteger la supervivencia de los pueblos indígenas. Este artículo analiza los procesos por los cuales los derechos indígenas han sido legalmente asignados pero débilmente implementados, y hasta desconocidos sustancialmente. En muchos estados latinoamericanos, los derechos que promueven la autonomía y el autogobierno son activamente abandonados, y esto que el contexto cultural, político y económico sea progresista o conservador. A través de este análisis, este artículo propone el concepto de «proclamación-negación». Si bien este concepto es relevante para numerosos países de América Latina, el texto destaca las especificidades del caso venezolano.French Abstract:Longtemps exclus de la participation politique, les autochtones du Venezuela ont su inscrire tout un ensemble de droits particuliers au sein de la nouvelle constitution en 1999. La proclamation de ces droits n’a cependant pas garanti leur pleine application ni, a fortiori, son objectif de protéger la survivance des peuples autochtones. Cet article présente une analyse des processus par lesquels les droits autochtones ont été attribués mais faiblement implémentés, et ont même substantiellement régressé. Dans plusieurs Etats d’Amérique latine, les droits qui promeuvent l’autonomie et l’auto-gouvernement sont activement abandonnés, indépendamment du fait que le contexte culturel, politique et économique soit progressiste ou conservateur. A travers cette analyse, l’article propose le concept de «proclamation-dénégation». Tandis que ce concept est pertinent pour de nombreux pays d’Amérique latine, le texte illustre les spécificités du cas vénézuélien.

2020 ◽  
Vol 27 (2) ◽  
pp. 291-313 ◽  
Author(s):  
Almut Schilling-Vacaflor ◽  
Riccarda Flemmer

Based on rich empirical data from Bolivia, Colombia, and Peru – the three Latin American countries where the implementation of prior consultation processes is most advanced – we present a typology of indigenous peoples’ agency surrounding prior consultation processes and the principle of free, prior and informed consent (fpic). The typology distinguishes between indigenous actors (1) mobilising for a strong legal interpretation of fpic, (2) mobilising for meaningful and influential fpic processes, (3) mobilising against prior consultation processes, and (4) blockading prior consultation processes for discussing broader grievances. We identify the most prominent indigenous strategies related to those four types, based on emblematic cases. Finally, we critically discuss the inherent shortcomings of the consultation approach as a model for indigenous participation in public decision-making and discuss the broader implications of our findings with regard to indigenous rights and natural resource governance.


2018 ◽  
Vol 11 (3) ◽  
pp. 177
Author(s):  
Fábio Accardo de Freitas

Este artigo tem como objetivo compreender a relação sobre a formação do Estado na América Latina com o levantamento armado do Exército Zapatista de Libertação Nacional (EZLN) no sul do México. A reflexão é desenvolvida através da análise de trechos da Primera Declaración de la Selva Lancadona do EZLN, documento que ajuda a ilustrar o caminho de argumentação do texto: a tragédia da questão nacional, baseada na colonialidade do poder, que se expressa também em um colonialismo interno violento, pós-independências, contra os povos marginalizados, principalmente negros, indígenas e mestiços. O artigo parte da discussão inicial sobre a formação do Estado latino-americano e as colonialidades à que foram submetidos os povos da América. Diante desse quadro mais amplo, refletimos sobre o problema do índio na questão nacional, apresentando a crítica que o movimento indígena latino-americano tem engendrado nesse processo, apontando seus tensionamentos e lutas contra as colonialidades do poder e do saber. Nesse sentido, aproximamos o levante zapatista, a partir da sua Primeira Declaração, das lutas indígenas contra a estrutura colonial/moderna e o processo de formação dos Estados latino-americanos. Ao final, destacamos de que maneira a questão da educação também insere-se na discussão da questão nacional na América Latina, como uma das facetas da colonialidade do saber, e como as propostas de autonomia dos povos indígenas se articulam no enfrentamento às colonialidade do poder e do saber.Palavras-chave: Educação. Estado. Movimento Indígena. Declaration against the tragedy of the national question and of education: the Zapatista uprising against the Latin American nationstateABSTRACTThis article intends to understand the links between the formation of the State in Latin America and the Zapatista Army of National Liberation (Ejército Zapatista de Liberación Nacional, EZLN) armed uprising in southern Mexico, through the analysis of excerpts from the First Declaration of the Selva Lancadona, an EZLN document which illustrates the main reasoning of this text: the tragedy of the national question based on the coloniality of power, which expresses itself as post-independence internal colonialist violence against marginalized people - mainly blacks, indigenous and mestizos. Starting from the debate on the Latin American State formation and the colonialities imposed on its indigenous people in this process, the article also discusses the indigenous presence in the national question, presenting the critique placed by the indigenous people’s movement onto those processes, pointing out the tensions and struggles against the colonialist nature of power and knowledge. In this sense, through its First Declaration, the Zapatista uprising draws itself closer to the indigenous people’s struggles O Programa de Pós Graduação em Educação: Conhecimento e Inclusão Social, da Faculdade de Educação da UFMG (PPGE/FaE/UFMG) against the Latin American states’ colonial/ modern structure and its formation process. Lastly, the article highlights the manner through which education inserts itself as a matter of national discussion in Latin America as one side of the coloniality of knowledge, and how proposals for the autonomy of the indigenous people articulates themselves against the colonial nature of power and knowledge.Keywords: Education. State. Indigenous Movement. Declaración contra la tragedia de la cuestión nacional y de la educación: el levante del EZLN contra el Estado-nación latinoamericanoRESUMENEste artículo tiene como objetivo comprender la relación acerca la formación del Estado en la América Latina con el levantamiento armado del Ejército Zapatista de Liberación Nacional (EZLN) en el sur de México. La reflexión se hace a través del análisis de fragmentos de la Primera Declaración de la Selva Lancadona del EZLN, documento que ayuda a ilustrar el camino de argumentación del texto: la tragedia de la cuestión nacional, basada en la colonialidad del poder, que se expresa también en un colonialismo interno violento, post-independencias, contra los pueblos marginalizados, principalmente negros, indígenas y mestizos. El artículo parte de una discusión inicial sobre la formación del Estado latinoamericano y las colonialidades a la que fueron sometidos los pueblos de América. Ante ese cuadro más amplio, reflejamos acerca del problema del indio en la cuestión nacional, presentamos la crítica que el movimiento indígena latinoamericano ha engendrado en ese proceso, apuntando sus tensiones y luchas contra las colonialidades del poder y del saber. En ese sentido, acercamos el levante zapatista, a partir de su Primera Declaración, a las luchas indígenas contra la estructura colonial/ moderna y el proceso de formación de los estados latinoamericanos. Al fi nal, destacamos la manera que la cuestión de la educación también se inserta en la discusión de la cuestión nacional en América Latina, como una de las facetas de la colonialidad del saber, y cómo las propuestas de autonomía de los pueblos indígenas se articulan en el enfrentamiento a las colonialidades del poder y del saber.Palabras clave: Educación. Estado. Movimiento Indígena


Religions ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 12 (10) ◽  
pp. 869
Author(s):  
Alexandra Tomaselli ◽  
Alexandra Xanthaki

This article argues that the (Western-oriented) right to religion has been proven inadequate in protecting Indigenous Peoples’ rights. It recognizes that this is partly because of the distinctive characteristics of Indigenous religions, which differ from other dominant religions, but also because of the way in which religion has been used by colonialism with dramatic effects on Indigenous Peoples and their beliefs, spiritualities, and worldviews. The article focuses on Latin America to argue further that in addition to colonialism, the early Constitutions also attacked Indigenous religions. As Indigenous rights are more acknowledged in Latin America, we take this region as an excellent, albeit painful, example of how Indigenous religions have been pushed aside even in the most positive contexts. The article uses the constitutional and legal arrangements in Latin American states, mainly Ecuador and Bolivia, to critically assess the protection that these favorable to Indigenous Peoples legal systems’ guarantee to Indigenous rights despite a persistent implementation gap. Also, this article highlights the weaknesses of the international system in mitigating the manifold threats that Indigenous Peoples have to face on a daily basis in their struggle to maintain and transmit their religions and spirituality, including the assault of other religions and sects into their communities and the so-called neo-extractivism. The article finally draws some concluding remarks and recommendations on how to improve the freedom of and violations from religion(s) of Indigenous Peoples in the context of Latin America as well as international law more broadly.


2016 ◽  
Vol 44 (1) ◽  
pp. 180-198 ◽  
Author(s):  
Luis F. Angosto-Ferrández

The unprecedented enfranchisement of Venezuela’s indigenous population is partly a result of the formation of a state-sponsored indigenous movement. This movement prioritizes access to social services, economic development, and political participation in state structures over certain goals of free determination. Other forms of collective action with different priorities are evidence of the existence of diverging interests and goals among indigenous people. These divergences are a reflection of the way in which the indigenous population partakes in the shaping of contemporary Venezuelan politics. La inclusión social de las comunidades indígenas de Venezuela no tiene precedentes y se debe, en parte, a la formación de movimientos indígenas auspiciados por el estado. Estos movimientos le dan prioridad al acceso a los servicios sociales, al desarrollo económico y a la participación política en las estructuras estatales por encima de ciertas metas de libre determinación. Otras formas de acción colectiva con prioridades diferentes revelan la presencia/existencia de intereses y objetivos divergentes entre las comunidades indígenas. Estas diferencias son un reflejo de la manera en que las poblaciones indígenas participan en la formación de la política venezolana contemporánea.


2016 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 133 ◽  
Author(s):  
R Yando Zakaria

Abstract: Arizona (2015b) reported that in the last mid-2015, there were lots of local regulation products intended as instruments to recognize the rights of indigenous people. Eventhough 40% of these products contain arrangements of the area, lands and communal forests, in reality, total area that have been effectively possessed by local communities were insignificant. According to Arizona (2015a), this condition occurred because the advocacy agenda trapped by the complexity of the diversity of the subjects and objects of the indigenous rights to be recognized and protected. This article was not about to argue that conclusion. However, this paper believes that the trap of complexity and diversity of the subjects and objects of the recognition of indigenous rights was enabled by three factors. First, the stakeholders within those complexity of definition came from generic concepts; second, failed to approach subjects and objects of the rights as a socio-antrophology reality at field level; and third, this problem was worsen by the stakeholders that barely have a proven instrument in finding sociological-anthropological reality. This article aims to fill those gaps. Keywords : Strategy, Recognition, Indigenous Peoples, socio-anthropologicalIntisari: Arizona (2015b) melaporkan bahwa tengah tahun 2015 lalu ada banyak produk hukum daerah yang dimakudkan sebagai instrument hukum pengakuan hak-hak masyarakat adat. Namun, meski 40% produk hukum daerah itu berisi pengaturan tentang wilayah, tanah dan hutan adat, di tingkat lapangan, total luas yang telah benar-benar efektif dikuasi masyarakat adat relatif sangat sedikit. Menurut Arizona (2015a), hal itu terjadi, antara lain, agenda advokasi terjebak oleh kerumitan keragaman subyek dan obyek hak-hak adat yang akan diakui dan dilindungi. Tulisan ini tak hendak membantah kesimpulan itu. Namun, tulisan ini percaya bahwa jebakan kerumitan keragaman subyek dan obyek pengakuan hak-hak masyarakat adat itu dimungkinkan oleh tiga hal. Pertama, para-pihak terjebak dengan perdebatan definisi dari beberapa konsep yang memang bersifat generik; kedua, alpa mendekati subyek dan obyek hak itu sebagai realitas sosio-antropologis di tingkat lapangan; dan ketiga, masalah ini diperumit oleh para-pihak nyaris tidak memiliki instrument yang teruji dalam menemukan realitas sosiologis-antropologi dimaskud. Tulisan ini disusun untuk mengisi kekosongan-kekosongan itu. Kata Kunci: Strategi, Pengakuan, Masyarakat Hukum Adat, sosio-antropologis


2020 ◽  
pp. 121-128
Author(s):  
Amarilla Kiss

Maritime piracy is an activity that was considered defunct long ago and that Latin American countries experience it again in the 21st century. Since 2016 the number of attacks has increased dramatically involving armed robbery, kidnapping and massacre. Modern day piracy has nothing to do with the romantic illusion of the pirates of the Caribbean, this phenomenon is associated with the governmental, social or economic crisis of a state. When it appears, we can make further conclusions regarding the general conditions of the society in these states. But do these attacks really constitute piracy under international law? Does Latin American piracy have unique features that are different from piracy in the rest of the world? The study attempts to answer the questions why piracy matters in Latin America and how it relates to drug trafficking and terrorism. Apart from that, the study presents a legal aspect comparing the regulation of international law to domestic law, especially to the national law of Latin American states.


2014 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 42
Author(s):  
Alberto Leer Guillén

<p>Este artículo presenta la implementación de planes estratégicos por medio de la metodología de clase mundial del Balanced Scorecard de Kaplan y Norton en ministerios de varios países de América Latina, así como las adaptaciones necesarias, experiencias y lecciones aprendidas en el proceso.</p><p> </p><p><strong>Abstract</strong></p><p>This article presents the implementation of strategic plans using the methodology of Kaplan and Norton´s world class balanced scorecard with required adaptations in several Latin American countries ministries, and the knowledge and lessons learned in the process<strong><br /></strong></p>


2009 ◽  
Vol 50 ◽  
Author(s):  
Roberto Briceño-León

RESUMEN: El artículo analiza la situación de la violencia homicida en América Latina, cuál es su ubicación en la situación mundial de violencia y cuáles serían las posibles explicaciones para el lugar que ocupa. Utilizando la base de datos de la Organización Mundial de la Salud se clasifican las regiones por su tasa de homicidios y se ubica a América Latina como la región más violenta. Los países de América Latina son clasificados en cuatro grupos de acuerdo a la relación de su tasa de homicidios con la tasa media mundial y se caracterizan socialmente las víctimas.Para interpretar esa situación se relacionan con los niveles de urbanización y pobreza y se presentan los factores que pueden originar, fomentar y facilitar el incremento o disminución de los homicidios y su potencial utilidad en las políticas públicas.ABSTRACT: This article explores the situation of homicide violence in Latin America, its position within the worlds violence situation and the possible explanations for that position. Using the data bases of the World Health Organization, regions are classified by their homicide rates, which puts Latin America as the most violent region. Latin American countries are set in four groups according to the relation of their homicide rates with the world’s rate, and a social classification of victims is built. For interpreting this situation, those factors are put in relation with the levels of urbanization and poverty, and the possible causes of the increase or decrease of homicides are presented, as well as their potential utility for public policy making.


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