Community Organizations and Latin America’s Poorest Citizens: Voting, Protesting, and Contacting Government

2020 ◽  
Vol 62 (4) ◽  
pp. 98-125
Author(s):  
Carew Boulding ◽  
Claudio A. Holzner
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Political Participation ◽  
Survey Data ◽  
Latin American ◽  
Strong Predictor ◽  
Community Organizations ◽  
Poor People ◽  
Income Groups ◽  
Politically Active ◽  
Latin American Countries

ABSTRACTHow do Latin America’s poorest citizens participate in politics? This article explores the role that community organizations play in mobilizing individuals into three common modes of political participation: voting, protesting, and contacting government. It argues that community organizations help mobilize poor individuals both through the resources they provide for mobilization and because they serve as sites where political parties target individuals for mobilization. It analyzes survey data from LAPOP surveys for 18 Latin American countries and finds that overall, poor people are just as politically active as more affluent individuals; that involvement in community organizations is a very strong predictor of all types of political participation; and that membership in organizations has an especially strong effect on voting and protesting for poor people. By equalizing levels of political participation across income groups, organizations help erase class-based inequalities in participation that have plagued democracies in the region.

Associations and Activism: Mobilization of Urban Informal Workers in Costa Rica and Nicaragua

1999 ◽  
Vol 41 (3) ◽  
pp. 35-66 ◽  
Author(s):  
Charles L. Davis ◽  
Edwin E. Aguilar ◽  
John G. Speer
Keyword(s):  
Civil Society ◽  
Costa Rica ◽  
Political Parties ◽  
Political Participation ◽  
Latin American ◽  
Informal Sector ◽  
High Intensity ◽  
Informal Workers ◽  
Politically Active ◽  
American Civil Society

Studies of Latin American civil society tend to assume that popular organizations promote “high-intensity” forms of political participation while political parties mainly encourage voting. This study compares the influence of these two forces in the urban informal sector. Association involvement, low in both samples, is related to “higher-intensity” participation, but the differential influence of associations and parties holds only for Costa Rica; Nicaragua’s revolutionary FSLN has fostered a more politically active citizenry.

Colombian Parties and Political Development

1976 ◽  
Vol 18 (2) ◽  
pp. 203-224 ◽  
Author(s):  
John A. Peeler
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
Political Parties ◽  
Latin American ◽  
Political Institutions ◽  
Political Development ◽  
Political System ◽  
Traditional Authority ◽  
Liberal Democratic ◽  
Authority Relationships ◽  
Latin American Countries

Colombia remains one of a very small group of countries in Latin America which retain competitive, liberal-democratic political institutions at this writing. Indeed, Colombia's civil government, recognizing a modicum of individual liberties and conducting periodic elections, has been shattered on relatively few occasions since the mid-nineteenth century, a record equalled or surpassed by few other Latin American countries. The Colombian political system is still dominated by the two traditional political parties (Liberal and Conservative) which arose in Colombia and elsewhere in the region in the nineteenth century. In almost every other country they have long since passed into oblivion or insignificance. This continued dominance by the traditional parties is commonly attributed to their successful mobilization of mass support, especially among the peasantry. The Colombian parties (unlike their counterparts elsewhere) early moved beyond being mere elite factions by using traditional authority relationships, clientelistic exchanges and ideological appeals to develop durable bases of mass support.

The Anti-Incumbent Effects of Conditional Cash Transfer Programs

2016 ◽  
Vol 58 (1) ◽  
pp. 49-71 ◽  
Author(s):  
Diego Sanches Corrêa ◽  
José Antonio Cheibub
Keyword(s):  
Survey Data ◽  
Latin American ◽  
Conditional Cash Transfer ◽  
Cash Transfers ◽  
Behavioral Changes ◽  
Cash Transfer ◽  
Transfer Programs ◽  
Conditional Cash Transfer Programs ◽  
Latin American Countries

AbstractScholars concur that conditional cash transfer (CCT) programs have a strong proincumbent effect among beneficiaries. Although no study has properly focused on the overall effect of cash transfers on incumbents' national vote shares, most scholars have deduced that this effect is positive; i.e., that cash transfers lead to the expansion of incumbents' electoral bases. This article analyzes survey data from nearly all Latin American countries and confirms that beneficiaries of CCT programs are more likely to support incumbents. However, it also shows that CCT programs may induce many voters who were previously incumbent supporters to vote for the opposition. As a consequence, the overall impact of cash transfers on incumbents' vote shares is indeterminate; it depends on the balance between both patterns of behavioral changes among voters. This study is the first to report evidence that cash transfer programs may have significant anti-incumbent effects.

Democracy, Political Participation, and Latin America’s Poorest Citizens

2021 ◽  
pp. 1-22
Author(s):  
Carew Boulding ◽  
Claudio A. Holzner
Keyword(s):  
Political Participation ◽  
Latin American ◽  
The Political ◽  
Poor People ◽  
Civil Society Organization ◽  
High Poverty ◽  
Government Officials ◽  
The Poor ◽  
Core Questions ◽  
Very High

This chapter introduces the core questions the book seeks to answer. What explains the political participation of poor people? What changed during the past two decades to enable such widespread participation by poor people? How have some Latin American democracies reduced gaps in participation across income and wealth groups? What role does clientelism play in mobilizing the poor? Despite persistently high poverty rates and high economic inequality, poor people in Latin America participate in politics at very high levels. This chapter lays out this puzzle and introduces the main argument of the book: that civil society organization, political parties, and competitive elections have an enormous impact on whether or not poor people turn out to vote, protest, and contact government officials. This chapter also briefly summarizes the research design and plan of the rest of the book.

18. Political Participation

2020 ◽  
pp. 318-335
Author(s):  
Herbert Kitschelt ◽  
Philipp Rehm
Keyword(s):  
Social Networks ◽  
Social Movements ◽  
Political Parties ◽  
Collective Action ◽  
Political Participation ◽  
Interest Groups ◽  
Macro Level ◽  
Micro Level ◽  
Politically Active

This chapter examines four fundamental questions relating to political participation. First, it considers different modes of political participation such as social movements, interest groups, and political parties. Second, it analyses the determinants of political participation, focusing in particular on the paradox of collective action. Third, it explains political participation at the macro-level in order to identify which contextual conditions are conducive to participation and the role of economic affluence in political participation. Finally, the chapter discusses political participation at the micro-level. It shows that both formal associations and informal social networks, configured around family and friendship ties, supplement individual capacities to engage in political participation or compensate for weak capacities, so as to boost an individual’s probability to become politically active.

18. Political participation

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Herbert Kitschelt ◽  
Philipp Rehm
Keyword(s):  
Social Networks ◽  
Social Movements ◽  
Political Parties ◽  
Collective Action ◽  
Political Participation ◽  
Interest Groups ◽  
Macro Level ◽  
Micro Level ◽  
Politically Active

This chapter examines four fundamental questions relating to political participation. First, it considers different modes of political participation such as social movements, interest groups, and political parties. Second, it analyses the determinants of political participation, focusing in particular on the paradox of collective action. Third, it explains political participation at the macro-level in order to identify which contextual conditions are conducive to participation and the role of economic affluence in political participation. Finally, the chapter discusses political participation at the micro-level. It shows that both formal associations and informal social networks, configured around family and friendship ties, supplement individual capacities to engage in political participation or compensate for weak capacities, so as to boost an individual's probability to become politically active.

Latin-American Political Parties and Ideologies: An Overview

1967 ◽  
Vol 29 (1) ◽  
pp. 76-86
Author(s):  
Donald W. Bray
Keyword(s):  
Twentieth Century ◽  
Political Parties ◽  
Latin American ◽  
Political Party ◽  
Political Power ◽  
Political Life ◽  
The Political ◽  
Coup D'etat ◽  
Latin American Countries

In a majority of Latin-American countries the coup d'etat rather than the ballot is still the institutionalized mechanism for transferring political power. Some states, like Haiti and Paraguay, are clearly in the “prehistory” of modern political parties. Nevertheless, in the twentieth century the political party with a developed ideology has become a major feature of Latin-American political life.

Society, Environment, Vulnerability, and Climate Change in Latin America

2016 ◽  
Vol 43 (4) ◽  
pp. 29-42
Author(s):  
Jorge Rojas Hernández
Keyword(s):  
Climate Change ◽  
Political Parties ◽  
Latin American ◽  
Added Value ◽  
Adaptation To Climate Change ◽  
Level Of Education ◽  
Environmental Deterioration ◽  
America Latina ◽  
Latin American Countries

Historically, Latin American social development has been diverse and heterogeneous. It depends on the use of natural resources (with greater or less added value and productive diversity), the influence of social movements, the role of political parties, the level of education, and the prevailing culture. Inequality and social exclusion are still prevalent in most Latin American countries. Poverty and environmental deterioration tend to be correlated. Therefore strategies for mitigation of and adaptation to climate change must consider measures for overcoming poverty and reducing inequality. El desarrollo social en América Latina es históricamente muy diverso y heterogéneo. Depende del uso de los recursos naturales — con mayor o menor valor agregado y diversidad productiva —, de la influencia de los movimientos sociales, del papel de los partidos políticos, del nivel educacional alcanzado y del tipo de cultura imperante en las diferentes sociedades. Aún persiste la desigualdad y altos índices de exclusión social en la mayoría de los países latinoamericanos. Pobreza y deterioro del medio ambiente suelen correlacionarse. Los pobres por lo general viven en territorios degradados y vulnerables. Las estrategias de mitigación y adaptación al cambio climático deben, en consecuencia, contemplar medidas de superación de la pobreza y disminución de los niveles de desigualdad social y ambiental.

scholarly journals Right-wing populism and the mainstreaming of protests: The case of Colombia

2020 ◽  
Vol 29 (3 - Sup2) ◽  
pp. 169-177
Author(s):  
Fabio Andrés Díaz Pabón
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Latin American ◽  
Historical Analysis ◽  
Armed Forces ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Protest Movements ◽  
Unexpected Consequence ◽  
Right Wing Populism ◽  
The Right ◽  
Latin American Countries

Unlike other Latin American countries, Colombia has consistently been governed by centre-right or right-wing political parties. The absence of political space for the Left in this country allowed governments to portray protests as subversive and criminal. However, starting in 2008, right-wing politicians have embraced, supported and used the protest as a tactic; undertaking, calling for, and giving support to various protest movements across the country. This has had an unexpected consequence: right-wing parties, government institutions, and even some sectors within the security and armed forces now see protests as valid and normal. Drawing on a brief historical analysis of protest movements in Colombia since 1948, and particularly after 2002, this article argues that to understand the recent normalization of this form of political expression we should look at changes in the dynamics of competition within the Right.

scholarly journals Are They All the Same? The Distribution of Personal Wealth Between the Left and the Right in Latin America

2020 ◽  
pp. 1866802X2097503
Author(s):  
Nordin Lazreg ◽  
Alejandro Angel ◽  
Denis Saint-Martin
Keyword(s):  
Latin America ◽  
Political Parties ◽  
Latin American ◽  
Capital Accumulation ◽  
Financial Disclosure ◽  
Political Elites ◽  
Ideological Position ◽  
Distribution Of Wealth ◽  
The Right ◽  
Latin American Countries

Conventional wisdom indicates that politicians in Latin America are all wealthy. However, the literature on both political elites and social origins of political parties indicates that we should expect differences in the capital accumulation of politicians depending on their ideological position. This study seeks to explore that question using financial disclosure forms made available in six Latin American countries: Argentina, Bolivia, Brazil, Chile, Peru, and the Dominican Republic. We calculate the median wealth of the main political parties in each country and compared them according to their ideological position on the left–right continuum. We consistently find that the most right-leaning party in each country had a higher median wealth than the most left-leaning one. This relation is non-linear since centrist parties often represent anomalies in the distribution of wealth. When there are no ideological differences, we do not observe significant wealth differences either.

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