From Symbols of the Sacred to Symbols of Subversion to Simply Obscure: Maryknoll Women Religious in Guatemala, 1953 to 1967

2004 ◽  
Vol 61 (2) ◽  
pp. 189-216 ◽  
Author(s):  
Susan Fitzpatrick Behrens
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
El Salvador ◽  
Women Religious ◽  
The United States ◽  
Military Regime ◽  
Military Aid ◽  
Us Military ◽  
International Attention

In December of 1980 three women religious and a lay missioner from the United States were brutally raped and murdered by the Salvadoran military. This outrage brought international attention to the violence in El Salvador and led to a temporary halt in US military aid. The sisters were neither the first nor the most violently killed—8,000 people were massacred in 1980 and 45,000 between 1980 and 1984—but their rape and murder, the murder of Archbishop Romero in March of 1980, and that of six Jesuit priests in 1989 were consistently cited as evidence of the sheer brutality and impunity of the Salvadoran military regime. Killing priests and bishops and raping and murdering nuns signified quite simply that “nothing was sacred.”

Making Sense of Central America

Worldview ◽  
1984 ◽  
Vol 27 (6) ◽  
pp. 10-12
Author(s):  
Gregory F. Treverton
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
El Salvador ◽  
Central America ◽  
The United States ◽  
Military Aid ◽  
Making Sense

Most discussions of U.S. policy in Central America have focused on operational questions: Should the United States support the Contras seeking to overthrow the Sandinista government of Nicaragua? Should we condition military aid to El Salvador on curbing the death squads? These are the issues debated too by the Kissinger Commission on Central America, whose report was presented to President Reagan earlier this year. They are important, vexing, and decisive. But they are also essentially unanswerable on their own terms.

The Decline of US Military Influence in Latin America

1993 ◽  
Vol 35 (2) ◽  
pp. 1-50 ◽  
Author(s):  
J. Samuel Fitch
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Latin America ◽  
Latin American ◽  
Reagan Administration ◽  
Dominant Role ◽  
The United States ◽  
Military Aid ◽  
Us Military ◽  
Military Presence ◽  
Military Relations

The US military presence in Latin America has declined significantly over the last two decades, particularly in the major countries of the region. Despite the determined efforts of the Reagan administration to reverse that trend, with few exceptions the present ability of the United States to influence the Latin American militaries is far removed from the dominant role it played in the 1950s and 1960s. Given the pressures in Washington for further cuts in military aid programs, the trend toward declining US influence and increasingly divergent US-Latin American military interests is likely to continue in the 1990s. Although the United States will continue to be a major force in the region, the primary instruments of US influence are likely to be economic, rather than military-to-military relations.

US military aid to Africa will not grow significantly

2015 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
The United States ◽  
Content Type ◽  
Military Aid ◽  
Presidential Candidates ◽  
Us Military ◽  
Foreign Operations ◽  
Military Support ◽  
Military Engagement ◽  
Security Affairs

Significance The trip to Washington by Nigerian President Muhammadu Buhari last month has raised questions about whether the United States plans to step up its military support to assist with counterinsurgency against Boko Haram. However, speculation on whether the United States may soften its stance on military support to Nigeria belies the broader structural obstacles that limit US military engagement to Africa. Impacts The United States prefers for other actors to lead on African security crises, such as France in Mali or the African Union in Somalia. African security affairs are highly unlikely to feature in US presidential candidates' speeches, nor national security manifestos. US military activities also remain constrained by African governments' unwillingness to host foreign operations.

General Assembly

1957 ◽  
Vol 11 (3) ◽  
pp. 495-496
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
New Zealand ◽  
United Nations ◽  
El Salvador ◽  
Federal Republic ◽  
Technical Assistance ◽  
The United States ◽  
General Assembly ◽  
Federal Republic Of Germany ◽  
October 17

Seventh United Nations Technical Assistance Conference: At the Seventh UN Technical Assistance Conference, which met at Headquarters on October 17, 1956, under the presidency of Sir Leslie Munro (New Zealand), 63 governments pledged $14,940,000; this sum excluded the amount to be pledged by the United States. Several participating countries, including the Federal Republic of Germany, Indonesia and El Salvador, were unable to announce their contributions at the Conference as negotiations had not been completed

The United States and the Rise of General Maximiliano Hernández Martínez

1971 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 151-172 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kenneth J. Grieb
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
El Salvador ◽  
Central America ◽  
American Politics ◽  
State Department ◽  
The United States ◽  
The State ◽  
Central American ◽  
Coup D'etat ◽  
The Military

The militarycoup d'étatwhich installed General Maximiliano Hernández Martínez as President of El Salvador during December 1931 created a crisis involving the 1923 Washington Treaties. By the terms of these accords, the Central American nadons had pledged to withhold recognition from governments seizing power through force in any of the isthmian republics. Although not a signatory of the treaty, the United States based its recognition policy on this principle. Through this means the State Department had attempted to impose some stability in Central America, by discouraging revolts. With the co-operation of the isthmian governments, United States diplomats endeavored to bring pressure to bear on the leaders of any uprising, to deny them the fruits of their victory, and thus reduce the constant series ofcoupsandcounter-coupsthat normally characterized Central American politics.

Misusing historical analogies limits US policy options

2021 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Middle East ◽  
The United States ◽  
Policy Options ◽  
Negative Consequences ◽  
Content Type ◽  
White House ◽  
Decision To Leave ◽  
Us Military ◽  
The Future

Significance The Vietnam analogy implies that President Joe Biden’s decision to leave Afghanistan will have deeply negative consequences for the United States. However, Afghanistan is not Vietnam and the Biden withdrawal needs to be considered within the wider context of his administration’s review of US commitments abroad. Impacts The White House will be pressured to clarify the future of other US military commitments, particularly in Iraq. Biden will seek to reassure allies, particularly those in NATO, that his commitment to multilateralism will not diminish. Biden may seek an opportunity for a military show of force, possibly in the Middle East, to refute accusations of weakness.

Trump Reverses Certain Steps Toward Normalizing Relations with Cuba

2017 ◽  
Vol 111 (4) ◽  
pp. 1027-1035
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
The United States ◽  
Military Regime ◽  
Military Government ◽  
Donald Trump ◽  
Obama Administration ◽  
White House ◽  
Senior Official ◽  
Roll Back ◽  
Trump Administration

In June 2017, President Donald Trump announced a plan to roll back various steps taken by his predecessor toward normalizing relations between the United States and Cuba. A senior official for the administration announced the plan in a White House press briefing:The President vowed to reverse the Obama administration policies toward Cuba that have enriched the Cuban military regime and increased the repression on the island. It is a promise that President Trump made, and it's a promise that President Trump is keeping.With this is a readjustment of the United States policy towards Cuba. And you will see that, going forward, the new policy under the Trump administration, will empower the Cuban people. To reiterate, the new policy going forward does not target the Cuban people, but it does target the repressive members of the Cuban military government.

Reflections

2019 ◽  
pp. 66-72
Author(s):  
Williams Guevara Martínez
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Human Rights ◽  
El Salvador ◽  
The United States ◽  
Educational Opportunities ◽  
Legal Representation ◽  
College Credits ◽  
Helping Others ◽  
Legal Relief ◽  
Formal Status

Born in El Salvador, Williams Guevara Martínez left home at seventeen to escape domestic abuse and seek refuge with family members living in the United States. After a hazardous journey and crossing into the United States in a context of heightened migration, he was immediately apprehended, detained in federal custody, and ultimately released to his brother’s care in Maryland. He found excellent legal representation and was granted legal relief in the form of Special Immigrant Juvenile Status. Now with formal status, steady work, and college credits he looks back to chronicle the challenges of youth who enter the country alone and without authorization. Guevara Martínez recounts his life in El Salvador, his harrowing journey, experience in federal custody and after release, including personal attachments, educational opportunities and his commitment “to give back” by helping others like himself. He shares the lessons he learned commenting critically on violence, the migration process, human rights, and his hopes for the future..

After the Airlifts

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Allison Varzally
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Media Coverage ◽  
The United States ◽  
International Attention ◽  
National Boundaries ◽  
And Migration ◽  
And Control ◽  
The U.S

This chapter focuses upon the aftermath of Operation Babylift, the mass airlift of Vietnamese children to the United states on the eve of the nation’s formal withdrawal. Arguably the most dramatic episode of the unfolding adoption and migration story, it received overwhelming media coverage, captured international attention, and pushed Vietnamese adoptees to the center of debates about the war’s end and aftermath. Although the architects of the airlift hoped it would improve the America’s reputation and benefit Vietnamese children, it stoked significant controversy among Americans and Vietnamese who accused the U.S. and Vietnamese governments of playing politics. The airlift and its controversy also displayed the creative ways in which Vietnamese families stretched across national boundaries an, demanded reunions, and disputed American efforts to contain and control the legacies of war.

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