Making Sense of Central America

Worldview ◽  
1984 ◽  
Vol 27 (6) ◽  
pp. 10-12
Author(s):  
Gregory F. Treverton

Most discussions of U.S. policy in Central America have focused on operational questions: Should the United States support the Contras seeking to overthrow the Sandinista government of Nicaragua? Should we condition military aid to El Salvador on curbing the death squads? These are the issues debated too by the Kissinger Commission on Central America, whose report was presented to President Reagan earlier this year. They are important, vexing, and decisive. But they are also essentially unanswerable on their own terms.

1971 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 151-172 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kenneth J. Grieb

The militarycoup d'étatwhich installed General Maximiliano Hernández Martínez as President of El Salvador during December 1931 created a crisis involving the 1923 Washington Treaties. By the terms of these accords, the Central American nadons had pledged to withhold recognition from governments seizing power through force in any of the isthmian republics. Although not a signatory of the treaty, the United States based its recognition policy on this principle. Through this means the State Department had attempted to impose some stability in Central America, by discouraging revolts. With the co-operation of the isthmian governments, United States diplomats endeavored to bring pressure to bear on the leaders of any uprising, to deny them the fruits of their victory, and thus reduce the constant series ofcoupsandcounter-coupsthat normally characterized Central American politics.


2006 ◽  
Vol 8 (4) ◽  
pp. 57-91 ◽  
Author(s):  
John A. Soares

This article discusses the Carter administration's policies toward Nicaragua and El Salvador after the Sandinistas took power in Nicaragua in July 1979. These policies were influenced by the widespread perception at the time that Marxist revolutionary forces were in the ascendance and the United States was in retreat. Jimmy Carter was trying to move away from traditional American “interventionism” in Latin America, but he was also motivated by strategic concerns about the perception of growing Soviet and Cuban strength, ideological concerns about the spread of Marxism-Leninism, and political-humanitarian concerns about Marxist-Leninist regimes' systematic violations of human rights.


Author(s):  
Kyle Burke

Growing more confident, John Singlaub and other retired covert warriors launched a series of paramilitary campaigns in Central America in the 1980s. As the Reagan administration faced stiff resistance about its wars in Nicaragua and El Salvador from Congress and the American public, many on the right concluded that the private sector was best suited to channel money, weapons, supplies, and advisors to embattled paramilitary groups. Starting in 1981, Singlaub and his allies organized rallies, sponsored television and radio programs, and published books, pamphlets, and articles to raise millions of dollars in private donations from wealthy individuals and businesses, international groups, and grassroots organizations. Then they used these funds to establish private military aid programs that they hoped would not only fill in for the United States military and intelligence services but also do a better job for less money. This struggle against foreign enemies, made possible by will and weapons, simultaneously legitimized a growing paramilitary subculture in the United States. For it presented a vision of combat in which ordinary citizens took up arms to fight communism.


2019 ◽  
Vol 109 ◽  
pp. 239-242
Author(s):  
Maria Micaela Sviatschi

In this paper I ask whether peer effects generate changes in education investments in the areas where deported criminals are located in Central America using administrative data in El Salvador. I exploit the increase in criminal deportations from the United States in 1996 to analyze how individuals who grew up in municipalities affected by gangs in 1996 have fewer years of schooling when they are young adults. I find that individuals who were exposed during childhood to gang leaders have less schooling than those who were older than 16 in 1996 when the law was passed.


Social Work ◽  
2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Benjamin Roth ◽  
John Doering-White ◽  
Karen Andrea Flynn

Central America is the seven-country region between Colombia and Mexico that includes Belize, Guatemala, El Salvador, Honduras, Nicaragua, Costa Rica, and Panama. Of the 44 million total immigrants in the United States (US), approximately 8 percent (3.5 million) are from this region. However, among them Guatemala, El Salvador, and Honduras are overrepresented. Nearly half (1.4 million) of all Central America migrants in the United States are from El Salvador alone. Therefore, these three countries are the primary focus of this bibliography. Each has a complex history that has contributed to recent migration trends, yet Guatemala, El Salvador, and Honduras also share much in common and are often referred to as the “Northern Triangle” by policymakers and scholars. Out-migration from the region is attributable to many factors, including a long history of violence and political instability, international gang activity, and the drug trade—all problems that have been exacerbated by US policy. While some are traditional labor migrants, many others are asylees who are fleeing persecution. Regardless of why they leave their countries, Central American migrants have begun settling across the United States, including places that have not traditionally been receiving contexts for newcomers. In response, local and federal policies have been largely exclusionary, making their process of social, cultural, and economic adaptation more difficult. Central American migrants have also been criminalized by contemporary immigration enforcement rhetoric and practices in the United States. This has contributed to growing rates of deportation which, in turn, have contributed to the disruption of immigrant families. Transnational Central American families have been reorganized by migration in other ways as well. Parents have migrated in search of better economic opportunities, leaving their children in the care of extended family members, for example. At other times, migrant parents and their children have been forcibly separated by the immigration system, whether upon apprehension at the border or as a result of interior enforcement practices. As conditions in many Central America communities remain precarious, children, youth and families continue to seek asylum at the US-Mexico border. However, the laws and practices governing the asylum process are not static. As these laws change, it is incumbent upon social workers to stay informed about the needs of Central American migrants so they can more effectively advocate for their rights.


Author(s):  
Roberto Suro

This chapter examines the circumstances that produced repeated migration surges from the Northern Triangle of Central America—El Salvador, Honduras to Guatemala—to the United States. Dominated by women and children fleeing poverty and violence, since 2014 the surges have challenged the U.S. asylum system, prompted crisis responses at the border and provoked ongoing political controversies. This chapter argues these surges are an outgrowth, really a kind of mutation, of long-standing migrations that have been dominated by labor and family reunification flows in recent years. Moreover, the surges were facilitated by migrations channels, including criminal smuggling networks, that had developed to transport what was once a far larger Mexican flow. The surges serve as a warning that seemingly stable labor migrations can transform into sudden, large scale movements of humanitarian migrants due to changing circumstances in sending communities.


1987 ◽  
Vol 29 (1) ◽  
pp. 93-108
Author(s):  
Ronald H. McDonald ◽  
Nina Tamrowski

Whether One Agrees or disagrees with the objectives of a revolution, the experience stimulates emotions from those who participate and those who observe. There have been many experiences which most would regard as revolutionary: the French revolution, the revolution for independence of the United States, the Mexican revolution, the Russian revolution, the Chinese revolution, as well as perhaps those of Bolivia, Cuba, Nicaragua, and El Salvador. Visions of people rising up against an outworn, impotent, or despotic government accompany our concept of revolution, as do visions of militia soldiers with rifles on their backs and ammunition strapped across their chests.


2004 ◽  
Vol 61 (2) ◽  
pp. 189-216 ◽  
Author(s):  
Susan Fitzpatrick Behrens

In December of 1980 three women religious and a lay missioner from the United States were brutally raped and murdered by the Salvadoran military. This outrage brought international attention to the violence in El Salvador and led to a temporary halt in US military aid. The sisters were neither the first nor the most violently killed—8,000 people were massacred in 1980 and 45,000 between 1980 and 1984—but their rape and murder, the murder of Archbishop Romero in March of 1980, and that of six Jesuit priests in 1989 were consistently cited as evidence of the sheer brutality and impunity of the Salvadoran military regime. Killing priests and bishops and raping and murdering nuns signified quite simply that “nothing was sacred.”


1986 ◽  
Vol 28 (3) ◽  
pp. 1-32 ◽  
Author(s):  
Bruce Michael Bagley

By Mid-1986, The Contadora Group's search for a negotiated peace in Central America had reached a seemingly insurmountable impasse. Negotiations were deadlocked over the issues of arms limitations, democratization, and US support for the Nicaraguan counter-revolutionaries (contrarevolucionarios or contras). The United States and its closest Central American allies - Costa Rica, Honduras and El Salvador - demanded that Nicaragua reduce the size of its armed forces and install a democratic political system before they would end support for the contras Nicaragua's Sandinistas, in turn, refused to disarm until the United States and its Central American neighbors halted their support for the contras, they also rejected all proposals for direct negotiations with the contras.


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