scholarly journals Left pedagogical thought in Greece (1910-1951). From the liberal progressive education to the polytechnism

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ελευθερία Παπαστεφανάκη (Eleftheria Papastefanaki)
Keyword(s):  
Civil War ◽  
Communist Party ◽  
Progressive Education ◽  
Political Power ◽  
Theory And Practice ◽  
Governing Committee ◽  
Left Wing ◽  
Educational Discourse ◽  
Post War ◽  
Of Greece

This book concerns the process of birth and evolution of left pedagogical thought in Greece. This process was first based on the course of development and action of “Educational Association” and secondly on the course of development of the communist movement in Greece. Important moment for the birth of left-wing pedagogical thought will be the split of Educational Association in 1927 and the announcement of the Association’s governing committee after its critical meetings. Besides the above process, the birth and consolidation of KKE (Communist Party of Greece) will allow the emergence of a new qualitative political proposal and the formulation of an educational discourse inspired by pedagogical theory and practice in USSR. The 1940s and the Occupation and Civil War period will allow left educators to partially implement their pedagogical proposals in the context of left political power. Under particular circumstances, the vision of a “New Greece” under the general title of “Reconstruction” will include educational plans in a wider post-war rebuilding plan of the country. The culmination of this process will be the work of Antaios Journal.  

Malayan Chinese Popular Memory

2019 ◽  
pp. 58-89
Author(s):  
Wai-Siam Hee
Keyword(s):  
Communist Party ◽  
Chinese Literature ◽  
Left Wing ◽  
Historical Discourse ◽  
Chinese Film ◽  
Historical Materials ◽  
Early Migration ◽  
Popular Memory ◽  
Post War ◽  
Malaysian Chinese

The second chapter examines three Chinese-language films shot in Singapore by mainland Chinese director Wu Cun after the Second World War. Through close reading of these filmic texts, and reportage and discussions of them in the 1940s’ Malayan cinema tabloids Yule and Dianying quan, this chapter aims to reconstruct the popular memory of ‘Mahua (Malaysian Chinese) Cinemas’ and their relationship with ‘Mahua Literature’ and Chinese film culture. It also probes the naming of ‘Mahua Cinema’ in the temporal context of these films and how they represent post-war Malayan Chinese female migrants, loyalists, and foreigners, with reference to historical materials on the early migration of Chinese females to S.E. Asia. This chapter also critically employs relevant Cold War Singaporean and Malaysian theories to analyse and compare the Chineseness and political groups in these films. All three films were produced after the war, when the Malayan Communist Party, which debated aggressively about the ‘uniqueness of Malayan Chinese literature and art’, was flourishing. Besides attempting to portray the real Singapore-Malayan local colour in that time and place as advocated by the ‘uniqueness of Malaysian Chinese literature and art’, Wu Cun and his local production partners, the Shaw Brothers Company, represented the left-wing practice of Malayan Communist Party guerrillas and their supporters, which had been suppressed by mainstream historical discourse.

scholarly journals Z problematyki emigracji z Grecji do Polski Ludowej

2021 ◽  
Vol 43 (4) ◽  
pp. 291-301
Author(s):  
Agnieszka Chrisidu-Budnik
Keyword(s):  
Civil War ◽  
Social Complexity ◽  
Greek Population ◽  
The Political ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Left Wing ◽  
The Right ◽  
Of Greece

The 1944–1949 Greek civil war between the supporters of the monarchy with the right-wing government and the left-wing forces with the Democratic Army of Greece resulted in the death of approximately 100,000 people and forced partisans and their families to migrate to countries of “people’s democracy.” It is estimated that the Polish People’s Republic accepted approximately 14,000 people (children and adults). The article describes the genesis of the conflict that led to the outbreak of the civil war as well as the increasing polarization of the Greek population. It presents the (political and social) complexity of the processes of emigrating from Greece to the people’s democracies and selected aspects of the organization of the Greek community’s life in the Polish People’s Republic.

The Greek Civil War (1944–1949) and the International Communist System

2013 ◽  
Vol 15 (4) ◽  
pp. 25-54 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nikos Marantzidis
Keyword(s):  
Civil War ◽  
Communist Party ◽  
External Support ◽  
Soviet Bloc ◽  
Documentary Evidence ◽  
East European ◽  
Communist System ◽  
Close Cooperation ◽  
And Training ◽  
Of Greece

The involvement of the Soviet bloc in the Greek Civil War, especially the weapons and other aid provided by the Communist states to the Greek Communist Party (KKE), could not be studied in any serious way until very recently. Only a small number of historians addressed this question prior to the collapse of the Communist regimes in Europe and the opening of East European archives. The newly available documentary evidence shows that throughout the conflict the KKE acted in close cooperation with the Soviet bloc, particularly through permanent representatives who were responsible for coordinating the aid supplied to the KKE and ensuring maximal use of it. The Democratic Army of Greece (DAG) was completely dependent on weaponry, equipment, and training from the Soviet bloc. The insurgency in Greece would have been impossible without the external support of the Communist states.

The Long-Term Electoral Legacies of Civil War in Young Democracies: Italy, 1946-1968

2018 ◽  
Vol 52 (6) ◽  
pp. 927-961 ◽  
Author(s):  
Stefano Costalli ◽  
Andrea Ruggeri
Keyword(s):  
Civil War ◽  
Civil Wars ◽  
Communist Party ◽  
Left Wing ◽  
Party Organization ◽  
Post Conflict ◽  
Electoral Performance ◽  
Over Time ◽  
Local Party

Are there long-term legacies of civil wars on the electoral geography of post-conflict democracies? We argue that parties derived from armed bands enjoy an organizational advantage in areas where they fought and won the war. Former combatants can create a strong local party organization that serves as a crucial mobilization tool for elections. Parties have strong incentives to institutionalize this organizational advantage and retain electoral strongholds over time. We test our theory on the case of Italy (1946-1968). Our findings indicate that, on average, the communist party managed to create a stronger organization in areas where its bands fought the resistance war against Nazi-Fascist forces—and left-wing parties had a better electoral performance in those areas in subsequent elections. A stronger party organization is correlated with a positive electoral performance for many years, while the direct effect of civil war on electoral patterns decays after few years.

British Communists and the Palestine Conflict, 1929–1948

2006 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 131-153 ◽  
Author(s):  
Paul Kelemen
Keyword(s):  
Great Britain ◽  
Soviet Union ◽  
Middle East ◽  
Jewish Community ◽  
Communist Party ◽  
Left Wing ◽  
Strategic Objectives ◽  
Labour Movement ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
Post War

During the 1930s and 1940s, the Communist Party of Great Britain was a significant force in Britain on the left-wing of the labour movement and among intellectuals, despite its relatively small membership. The narrative it provided on developments in Palestine and on the Arab nationalist movements contested Zionist accounts. After the 1941 German attack on the Soviet Union, the party, to gain the support of the Jewish community for a broad anti-fascist alliance, toned down its criticism of Zionism and, in the immediate post-war period, to accord with the Soviet Union's strategic objectives in the Middle East, it reversed its earlier opposition to Zionism. During the 1948 war and for some years thereafter it largely ignored the plight of the Palestinians and their nationalist aspirations.

Stephen Gundle, Between Moscow and Hollywood: The Italian Communists and the Challenge of Mass Culture, 1943–1991. Durham: Duke University Press, 2000. 269 pp. $64.95 cloth; $21.95 paper.

2004 ◽  
Vol 65 ◽  
pp. 170-173
Author(s):  
Gerd-Rainer Horn
Keyword(s):  
Communist Party ◽  
Mass Culture ◽  
Western Europe ◽  
English Language ◽  
Left Wing ◽  
Cultural Policies ◽  
Language Study ◽  
Duke University ◽  
Politics Of Culture ◽  
Post War

The Italian Communist Party (PCI) after 1943, writes Stephen Gundle, managed to construct “the last great left-wing subculture in Western Europe” (7). Given the unusual interest in “culture” in the broadest sense of the term exhibited by Palmiro Togliatti, the undisputed key figure in post-war Italian Communist politics, an English-language study of the PCI's cultural policies is thus highly welcome and long overdue. Stephen Gundle manages to present an informative and authoritative account, which is highly recommended for anyone interested in the politics of culture and the culture of politics within the European Left.

The best of leaders at the worst of times: medical scientist and war premier

2017 ◽  
Vol 28 (3) ◽  
pp. 147-157
Author(s):  
Nicholas Coni
Keyword(s):  
Civil War ◽  
Spanish Civil War ◽  
Prime Minister ◽  
Medical Profession ◽  
Left Wing ◽  
Military Capability ◽  
Medical Scientist ◽  
The Government ◽  
Post War ◽  
The Uk

Professor Juan Negrín López was Prime Minister of the democratically elected left-wing government of Spain for the latter two-and-a-half years of the three-year Civil War which ravaged the country between 1936 and 1939. The side loyal to the government lost, partly because of the generous aid received by their opponents from Germany and Italy, partly because of the Anglo-French agreement, observed by most countries but ignored by Germany and Italy, to outlaw arms supplies to either side, partly because of internal dissent, and partly because of the greater military capability of the enemy. Negrín led the country with tenacity and wisdom, but is remembered with ambivalence in Spain, and hardly at all elsewhere, although he spent the years of his post-war exile in the UK and France. This paper draws attention to a member of the medical profession who achieved both academic and political distinction, but whose career ended in a disaster which he was powerless to prevent. Among his admirable qualities, he should be remembered for his courage. Like most wars, the Spanish Civil War had its share of psychopaths and villains – but also its share of heroes, and Juan Negrín belongs among their number.

Społeczeństwo holenderskie i los Żydów: skomplikowana historia

2016 ◽  
pp. 425-434
Author(s):  
Dan Michman
Keyword(s):  
The Netherlands ◽  
Southern Europe ◽  
Dutch Society ◽  
Nazi Occupation ◽  
The Holocaust ◽  
Western European ◽  
Post War ◽  
Of Greece

The percentage of victimization of Dutch Jewry during the Shoah is the highest of Western, Central and Southern Europe (except, perhaps of Greece), and close to the Polish one: 75%, more than 104.000 souls. The question of disproportion between the apparent favorable status of the Jews in society – they had acquired emancipation in 1796 - and the disastrous outcome of the Nazi occupation as compared to other countries in general and Western European in particular has haunted Dutch historiography of the Shoah. Who should be blamed for that outcome: the perpetrators, i.e. the Germans, the bystanders, i.e. the Dutch or the victims, i.e. the Dutch Jews? The article first surveys the answers given to this question since the beginnings of Dutch Holocaust historiography in the immediate post-war period until the debates of today and the factors that influenced the shaping of some basic perceptions on “Dutch society and the Jews”. It then proceeds to detailing several facts from the Holocaust period that are essential for an evaluation of gentile attitudes. The article concludes with the observation that – in spite of ongoing debates – the overall picture which has accumulated after decades of research will not essentially being altered. Although the Holocaust was initiated, planned and carried out from Berlin, and although a considerable number of Dutchmen helped and hid Jews and the majority definitely despised the Germans, considerable parts of Dutch society contributed to the disastrous outcome of the Jewish lot in the Netherlands – through a high amount of servility towards the German authorities, through indifference when Jewish fellow-citizens were persecuted, through economically benefiting from the persecution and from the disappearance of Jewish neighbors, and through actual collaboration (stemming from a variety of reasons). Consequently, the picture of the Holocaust in the Netherlands is multi-dimensional, but altogether puzzling and not favorable.

What is a Complex? Freudian Resistances

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Simon Morgan Wortham
Keyword(s):  
Value Theory ◽  
Theory And Practice ◽  
The Political ◽  
Industrial Complex ◽  
Military Industrial Complex ◽  
Noam Chomsky ◽  
Cultural Legacy ◽  
Contemporary Science ◽  
The Common ◽  
Post War

This chapter evaluates the question of the ‘complex’ in a range of scientific, political and psychoanalytic contexts, asking not only where lines of connection and demarcation occur among specific distributions of meaning, value, theory and practice; but also probing the psychoanalytic corpus, notably Freud’s writings on the notion of a ‘complex’, in order to reframe various implications of the idea that this term tends to resist its own utilisation as both an object and form of analysis. This section establishes connections between three sets of theoretical questions: the common practice of describing modernity and its wake in terms of a drive towards increasing complexity; the meaning and cultural legacy of phrases such as ‘military-industrial complex’ and sundry derivations in the political sphere; and the intricacies and ambiguities subtending the term ‘complex’ within psychoanalytic theory. As a concept that Freud both utilised and repudiated, the provocative power of the term ‘complex’ is linked to the way it thwarts various attempts at systemization (providing nonetheless an apparatus of sorts through which contemporary science, Slavoj Žižek, Noam Chomsky, Freud, Eisenhower, and post-war politics can be articulated to one another).

Metamorphoses of memory of the the Russian-Serbian Brotherhood of War in Modern Serbia

2020 ◽  
Vol 13 (4) ◽  
pp. 142-156
Author(s):  
A. Yu. Timofeev
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
Civil War ◽  
Party System ◽  
Historical Memory ◽  
Civil Conflict ◽  
Second World War ◽  
World War ◽  
Post War ◽  
The Stability ◽  
Second World

The article considers the perception of World War II in modern Serbian society. Despite the stability of Serbian-Russian shared historical memory, the attitudes of both countries towards World wars differ. There is a huge contrast in the perception of the First and Second World War in Russian and Serbian societies. For the Serbs the events of World War II are obscured by the memories of the Civil War, which broke out in the country immediately after the occupation in 1941 and continued several years after 1945. Over 70% of Yugoslavs killed during the Second World War were slaughtered by the citizens of former Kingdom of Yugoslavia. The terror unleashed by Tito in the first postwar decade in 1944-1954 was proportionally bloodier than Stalin repressions in the postwar USSR. The number of emigrants from Yugoslavia after the establishment of the Tito's dictatorship was proportionally equal to the number of refugees from Russia after the Civil War (1,5-2% of prewar population). In the post-war years, open manipulations with the obvious facts of World War II took place in Tito's Yugoslavia. In the 1990s the memories repressed during the communist years were set free and publicly debated. After the fall of the one-party system the memory of World War II was devalued. The memory of the Russian-Serbian military fraternity forged during the World War II began to revive in Serbia due to the foreign policy changes in 2008. In October 2008 the President of Russia paid a visit to Serbia which began the process of (re) construction of World War II in Serbian historical memory. According to the public opinion surveys, a positive attitude towards Russia and Russians in Serbia strengthens the memories on general resistance to Nazism with memories of fratricide during the civil conflict events of 1941-1945 still dominating in Serbian society.

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