Społeczeństwo holenderskie i los Żydów: skomplikowana historia

2016 ◽  
pp. 425-434
Author(s):  
Dan Michman

The percentage of victimization of Dutch Jewry during the Shoah is the highest of Western, Central and Southern Europe (except, perhaps of Greece), and close to the Polish one: 75%, more than 104.000 souls. The question of disproportion between the apparent favorable status of the Jews in society – they had acquired emancipation in 1796 - and the disastrous outcome of the Nazi occupation as compared to other countries in general and Western European in particular has haunted Dutch historiography of the Shoah. Who should be blamed for that outcome: the perpetrators, i.e. the Germans, the bystanders, i.e. the Dutch or the victims, i.e. the Dutch Jews? The article first surveys the answers given to this question since the beginnings of Dutch Holocaust historiography in the immediate post-war period until the debates of today and the factors that influenced the shaping of some basic perceptions on “Dutch society and the Jews”. It then proceeds to detailing several facts from the Holocaust period that are essential for an evaluation of gentile attitudes. The article concludes with the observation that – in spite of ongoing debates – the overall picture which has accumulated after decades of research will not essentially being altered. Although the Holocaust was initiated, planned and carried out from Berlin, and although a considerable number of Dutchmen helped and hid Jews and the majority definitely despised the Germans, considerable parts of Dutch society contributed to the disastrous outcome of the Jewish lot in the Netherlands – through a high amount of servility towards the German authorities, through indifference when Jewish fellow-citizens were persecuted, through economically benefiting from the persecution and from the disappearance of Jewish neighbors, and through actual collaboration (stemming from a variety of reasons). Consequently, the picture of the Holocaust in the Netherlands is multi-dimensional, but altogether puzzling and not favorable.

2013 ◽  
pp. 157-172
Author(s):  
Andrew Kornbluth

From 1944 to 1960, Poland held at least 32 000 trials for war crimes and collaboration; in particular, those records generated by the investigations of crimes against Jews have been the basis for ground-breaking studies of the Holocaust in Poland for over a decade now. While Poland was a society without a Quisling, these studies have shown that the country was still very much part of a pan-European continuum in which local people took part in ethnic cleansing inspired by the Nazi occupation. The question remains, then, of how effective the postwar judicial process against the collaborators was. This article makes use of the records of over 450 trials of accused collaborators, held between 1946 and 1949 at the district courts of Warsaw and Siedlce, of which about one-third are cases involving crimes against Jews. These trials are used as the starting point for a wider discussion of post-war justice in Poland.


2009 ◽  
Vol 37 (4) ◽  
pp. 443-466 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jan C. Behrends

IntroductionIn 1944 Poland was re-established for the second time in the twentieth century. Between the Lublin manifesto of 22 July 1944 and the Potsdam conference of summer 1945 a communist-dominated regime had formed, which was had little in common with the Second Republic that had been founded between the declaration of independence on 9 November 1918 and the peace of Riga with Bolshevik Russia signed in March 1921. Post-war Poland was significantly smaller, geographically further to the west, and ethnically more homogeneous. The Holocaust had destroyed Europe's most sizeable Jewish population, the loss of the kresy (eastern borderlands) to the USSR had reduced the size of eastern-Slavic minorities and the expulsion of the Germans from East Prussia, Pomerania and Silesia further helped to create an ethnically homogeneous country. For the first time in her history, Poland had the structure of a nation-state. Through the destruction and catastrophe of Nazi occupation and genocide the goal of firebrand Polish nationalists such as Roman Dmowski had been achieved: a Poland inhabited by ethnic Poles. Still, the new Poland was less independent than its predecessor; from 1944 onwards it was part of the emerging post-war Soviet Empire. Polish sovereignty had fallen victim to Stalin's “revolutionary-imperial paradigm.” Expansion of Moscow's power was as much a priority of the Soviet leadership as the export of Bolshevik revolution.


1982 ◽  
Vol 17 (2) ◽  
pp. 180-194 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kevin Featherstone

IN THE SEVEN YEARS SINCE THE FALL OF THE COLONELS' dictatorship in Greece, a new Greek party has established firm political roots. With the accession of Greece to the European Community on 1 January 1981, the new parties have been brought into the Western European political orbit, a development which marks the rehabilitation of a political system ostracized by virtue of its period of dictatorship. Unlike Portugal and Spain, however, which also seek membership of the European Community, the Greek period of dictatorship – lasting seven years post-war – represents much more an historical aberration, for Greece not only has an ancient history which saw the birth of democratic government, it also has enjoyed far more democratic than dictatorial governments in its modern period.


2007 ◽  
Vol 37 (4) ◽  
pp. 543-562 ◽  
Author(s):  
Peter Tammes

In 1941, 16 percent of the Jews in the Netherlands were immigrants. Analysis of documentary evidence shows that foreign-born Jews—especially those who emigrated from Germany and Austria after Adolf Hitler's rise to power—had a better chance of surviving the Holocaust, and a longer survival time, than Dutch-born Jews. These findings indicate that the motives for emigration and the special opportunities afforded to certain groups to escape and hide were important to survival.


2003 ◽  
Vol 11 (4) ◽  
pp. 527-549 ◽  
Author(s):  
PIETER LAGROU

France, Belgium and the Netherlands faced the same fundamental challenge in 1945. In spite of differences in institutional setting, chronology or demography, their experience of Nazi occupation had been traumatizing and humiliating. Their national reconstruction required a self-confident image of the recent past. Nonetheless, the contours of the policies of memory pursued in the three countries diverged in a striking measure. In the Netherlands, post-war governments deliberately constructed a forced national consensus around the myth of a unanimous resistance, at the expense of veterans’ movements and all forms of associative memory. However, the latter dominated the commemorations in France and Belgium, continuing a post-1918 tradition. The conflicts between different categories of war veterans and victims and between different political families characterized the conflicting memories in these two countries. Rather than a monolithic resistance myth, different memories of Nazi persecution were rivals for public attention. In France, neither de Gaulle nor the Communist party succeeded in monopolizing the heroic legacy of the resistance. In Belgium, the Royal question, the left–right divide and subsequently the regional tensions between French and Dutch speakers, estranged part of opinion from the memory of the resistance and even ended up favouring, in some quarters, the rehabilitation of collaboration with the Nazi occupier.


2014 ◽  
pp. 803-822
Author(s):  
Marta Witkowska ◽  
Piotr Forecki

The introduction of the programs on Holocaust education in Poland and a broader debate on the transgressions of Poles against the Jews have not led to desired improvement in public knowledge on these historical events. A comparison of survey results from the last two decades (Bilewicz, Winiewski, Radzik, 2012) illustrates mounting ignorance: the number of Poles who acknowledge that the highest number of victims of the Nazi occupation period was Jewish systematically decreases, while the number of those who think that the highest number of victims of the wartime period was ethnically Polish, increases. Insights from the social psychological research allow to explain the psychological foundations of this resistance to acknowledge the facts about the Holocaust, and indicate the need for positive group identity as a crucial factor preventing people from recognizing such a threatening historical information. In this paper we will provide knowledge about the ways to overcome this resistance-through-denial. Implementation of such measures could allow people to accept responsibility for the misdeeds committed by their ancestors.


2014 ◽  
pp. 384-406
Author(s):  
Bob Moore

During the German occupation of the Netherlands between 1940 and 1945, around 75% of the country’s Jewish population were deported and killed, primarily in the extermination camps of Auschwitz and Sobibor. Much attention has been paid to the factors which explain this, but this article questions how any Jews managed to survive in an increasingly hostile environment where there were no ‘favorable factors’ to aid them. The analysis centers on the attitudes of the Jews towards acting illegally, their relationships with the rest of Dutch society, and the possible opportunities for escape and hiding. It also looks at the myriad problems associated with the day-to-day experiences of surviving underground


2016 ◽  
Vol 14 (3) ◽  
pp. 243-253
Author(s):  
Grzegorz Stefanowicz

This article undertakes to show the way that has led to the statutory decriminalization of euthanasia-related murder and assisted suicide in the Kingdom of the Netherlands. It presents the evolution of the views held by Dutch society on the euthanasia related practice, in the consequence of which death on demand has become legal after less than thirty years. Due attention is paid to the role of organs of public authority in these changes, with a particular emphasis put on the role of the Dutch Parliament – the States General. Because of scarcity of space and limited length of the article, the change in the attitudes toward euthanasia, which has taken place in the Netherlands, is presented in a synthetic way – from the first discussions on admissibility of a euthanasia-related murder carried out in the 1970s, through the practice of killing patients at their request, which was against the law at that time, but with years began more and more acceptable, up to the statutory decriminalization of euthanasia by the Dutch Parliament, made with the support of the majority of society.


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