scholarly journals Trade policy & imperfect competition

2014 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ευμορφία Μακαντάση

The continuing momentum in establishing Preferential Trade Agreements (PTAs) has triggered my interest in investigating some important theoretical aspects of both multilateralism and regionalism. In particular, this Ph.D. thesis approaches these aspects by using models which include imperfect competition in commodity markets, product differentiation and strategic behavior on the part of the economic decision makers (taken here to be governments and firms). Features, that is, which are widespread in the world we live in.The First Chapter of this thesis, “Product Differentiation and the ‘Most Favored Nation’ Clause” aims at offering a richer insight on the reasons that lie behind the adoption of the MFN tariffs by trading countries in a world where the bulk of trade is in differentiated products. Furthermore, this chapter attempts to shed light on the discussion regarding the interpretation of the term “like products”, which appears in numerous places in GATT legislation, beginning from Article I, and has yet to be interpreted by WTO panels and the Appellate Body. The remaining three chapters of the thesis are guided by the idea that a principal may benefit from passing authority or power to an agent who is different than herself. Various examples of the delegation decision process one might find specifically in managerial, labor and public economics. The mainstream of the notion of delegation in international trade literature has been addressed in preferential agreements such as customs union. One of the distinguishing characteristics of customs unions is that member-states commit themselves in setting a common external tariff (CET) or a subsidy in their trade with non-member countries. However, by explicitly recognizing the strategic aspects of trade policies, a member-state may find to its advantage to delegate authority to set the external policy to its partner. The determination of the optimal policy maker in the union that sets this common trade policy is investigated in the remaining three chapters of my thesis.The Second Chapter of the thesis, “Harmony and Disagreement in Customs Union: the Role of Demand”, examines how the level of demand can influence the choice of the policy maker as well as the cohesion of a customs union.An interesting, probably, insight of this chapter that could partially be a policy recommendation is that in periods of recession that lead to a fall in demand the strains between the union members and, particularly, between the more and the less cost efficient ones increase. In such cases, intra-union transfers from the “rich” to the “poor” might be needed in order to secure the stability and the cohesion of the union, to the benefit of all. In the Third Chapter, “Delegation in a Tripartite Customs Union”, the analysis of the previous chapter is extended to investigate how the delegation decision is affected in a customs union composed of three, rather than two, countries that differ in terms of cost efficiency. The Fourth Chapter, “International Capital Mobility and Delegation in Customs Union” focuses on the so-called “deep regionalism”, namely a set of non-tariff measures in areas such as competition policy, environmental standards ,investment and capital mobility. The most important motivation that has led to this chapter is the realization that many PTAs include agreements of this kind. Another motivation was the absence in the customs union literature of a theoretical connection between capital tax harmonization and delegation decisions in a customs union. In particular, this chapter investigates how the issue of the delegation decision in a CU that decides unanimously the common capital tax system and the tax rate against non-member countries, could be knitted with the tax competition and tax harmonization literature.

2018 ◽  
Vol 7 (10) ◽  
pp. 198
Author(s):  
Galia Benítez

In the creation of trade policy, business actors have the most influence in setting policy. This article identifies and explains variations in how economic interest groups use policy networks to affect trade policymaking. This article uses formal social network analysis (SNA) to explore the patterns of articulation or a policy network between the government and business at the national level within regional trade agreements. The empirical discussion herein focuses on Brazil and the setting of exceptions list to Mercosur’s common external tariff. It specifically concentrates on the relations between the Brazilian executive branch and ten economic subsectors. The article finds that the patterns of articulation of these policy networks matter and that sectors with stronger ties to key government decision-makers have a structural advantage in influencing trade policy and obtaining and/or maintaining their desired, privileged trade policies, compared with sectors that are connected to government actors with weak decision-making power, but might have numerous and diversified connections. Therefore, sectors that have a strong pluralist–clientelist policy structure with connections to government actors with decision-making power have greater potential for achieving their target policies compared with more corporatist policy networks.


Author(s):  
Margareta Timbur

The European Union is the best known at the world’s leading trade power and the common trade policy is the core of EU external relations. The events of the last years and the extension of the EU to 27 member proved that the functioning system could no longer continue and was requiring a new institutional framework. The Lisbon Treaty was the right solution. It purposes are to bring changes for the citizens, institutions, external relations foe the consolidation of democracy in EU. This paper attempts to provide an overview of the major revisions introduced by the Treaty of Lisbon regarding the trade policy. Also, it analyses the extension and clarification of EU competence, the greater role of the European Parliament and the inclusion of investment policy in trade policy, the voting rules in trade area and the international negotiation of trade agreements. The study describes, as well, the impact of Lisbon Treaty implementation on the MS which are independent nations, but without power of decision in the common trade policy.


1988 ◽  
Vol 24 (3-4) ◽  
pp. 299-316 ◽  
Author(s):  
James R. Markusen ◽  
Anthony J. Venables

1997 ◽  
Vol 41 (3-5) ◽  
pp. 871-880 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jean Mercenier ◽  
Erinç Yeldan
Keyword(s):  

1993 ◽  
Vol 22 (2) ◽  
pp. 189-198 ◽  
Author(s):  
Darcy A. Hartman ◽  
Dennis R. Henderson ◽  
Ian M. Sheldon

This paper analyzes the determinants of variation across industries in levels of intra-industry trade (IIT) for a sample of thirty-six U.S. processed food and beverage industries in 1987, previous studies of intra-industry trade having focussed on industry characteristics in the manufacturing sectors. The determinants predicted by IIT theory are measures of product differentiation, economies of scale, and imperfect competition; the results of this analysis indicate that IIT variation across the food and beverage industries is positively related to product differentiation, economies of scope, and similarity of tariff barriers among trade partners, but negatively related to industry concentration.


2002 ◽  
Vol 96 (3) ◽  
pp. 593-608 ◽  
Author(s):  
MICHAEL J. HISCOX

The extent to which political conflict over U.S. trade policy has led to clashes between broad-based class coalitions has varied significantly over time during the past two centuries. I argue that much of this variation can be explained by changes in economywide levels of interindustry factor mobility. Class distinctions between voters are more economically and politically salient when interindustry mobility is high; when mobility is low, industry distinctions become more critical and tend to split apart broader political coalitions. I report evidence indicating large changes in levels of labor and capital mobility over the last two centuries. These changes coincide with significant shifts in the character of American trade politics. Analysis of congressional voting on 30 major pieces of trade legislation between 1824 and 1994 provides evidence of large swings in coalition patterns.


2013 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Macleans Mzumara ◽  
Betty Mkwinda Nyasulu ◽  
Margaret Mzumara ◽  
Elias Kaunda

The authors sought to find out whether the Southern African Customs Union (SACU) possesses comparative advantage. They found that South Africa has comparative advantage in the production of 727 product lines, Botswana in 268 product lines, Swaziland 243 product lines, Namibia 213 product lines and Lesotho 85 product lines. They also found that the highest degree of specialization in a particular product was observed in Lesotho in the production of cartridges for rivet with an average RCA index of 19215. The authors concluded that SACU has comparative advantage although such comparative advantage has a narrow base for a customs union (CU). Further it was concluded that due to imposition of the common external tariff (CET) in SACU and a narrow base of the products in which it has comparative advantage, it may be experiencing trade diversion rather than trade creation by replacing low cost producers outside SACU in favour of intra-SACU high cost producers. That South Africa, although not the least producer, is unfairly benefiting due to the imposition of CET which prevents other countries from exporting their products to Botswana, Swaziland, Namibia and Lesotho under the same conditions.  These countries are, therefore, disadvantaged. For this reason, the authors advocate communication at policy level, to facilitate expansion of SACU as means of narrowing trade diversion.


2004 ◽  
Vol 22 (1) ◽  
pp. 33-52
Author(s):  
Claudia Hensberg

Abstract In this paper the effect of tax harmonization on intergovernmental expenditure competition is analysed. To this end, it is assumed that self-interested governments cannot influence tax rates, since taxes are harmonized, but that they can freely choose expenditure policies and, by this, attract additional capital and broaden the assessment base of a capital tax. Hence, self-interested governments might have a financial incentive to provide for public input besides re-election oriented motivations. Since additional tax income from public input provision depends on the harmonized capital tax rate, the choice of the tax rate indirectly determines the amount of public input supplied by governments in expenditure competition.


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