scholarly journals People use both heterogeneity and minority representation to evaluate diversity

2021 ◽  
Vol 7 (11) ◽  
pp. eabf2507
Author(s):  
Maria Abascal ◽  
Janet Xu ◽  
Delia Baldassarri

The term “diversity,” although widely used, can mean different things. Diversity can refer to heterogeneity, i.e., the distribution of people across groups, or to the representation of specific minority groups. We use a conjoint experiment with a race-balanced, national sample to uncover which properties, heterogeneity or minority representation, Americans use to evaluate the extent of racial diversity a neighborhood and whether this assessment varies by participants’ race. We show that perceived diversity is strongly associated with heterogeneity. This association is stronger for Whites than for Blacks, Latinos, or Asians. In addition, Blacks, Latinos, and Asians view neighborhoods where their own group is largest as more diverse. Whites vary in their tendency to associate diversity with representation, and Whites who report conservative stances on diversity-related policy issues view predominately White neighborhoods as more diverse than predominately Black neighborhoods. People can agree that diversity is desirable while disagreeing on what makes a community diverse.

2018 ◽  
Vol 17 (1) ◽  
pp. 109-133 ◽  
Author(s):  
Richard Moye ◽  
Melvin Thomas

Previous research on neighborhood racial composition and housing values has demonstrated that as the proportion of Black residents in a neighborhood increases housing values lag. In this paper, we investigate whether there are neighborhood types or locations where racial diversity does not have a negative impact on housing values. This research contributes to the study of residential segregation by focusing on stable integrated neighborhoods. Using metropolitan Philadelphia as a strategic case, we compare stable, integrated neighborhoods to racially transitioning neighborhoods and predominantly White and Black neighborhoods. To do this, we comparatively examine housing prices and rates of home value appreciation from 1990 to 2005. We find that stable integrated neighborhoods have rates of appreciation slightly higher than predominantly White neighborhoods.


Author(s):  
David Lublin ◽  
Shaun Bowler

Every democratic process short of unanimity produces opinion minorities. Political divisions along anchored demographic characteristics like language, religion, race, or ethnicity challenge pluralist models of governance by threatening to entrench the exclusion of minority groups from political power. Especially when attuned to ethnic geography, electoral engineering through manipulation of the electoral system and other rules governing the electoral process, such as boundary delimitation, reserved seats, ballot-access requirements, and ethnic party bans, can help promote either inclusion or exclusion of minorities. Ensuring long-term interethnic peace has proved more difficult. Scholars continue to grapple with how to ensure minority inclusion without freezing existing divisions.


2001 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 27-49 ◽  
Author(s):  
Martin Johnson

Students of race and politics in the U.S. have long asserted a relationship between the racial composition and public policies of states. A related but distinct line of research demonstrates a strong connection between white attitudes about the perceived recipients of social welfare spending—blacks and members of other minority groups—and support for these programs. This article bridges these lines of scholarship by asking how racial diversity shapes aggregate attitudes about minorities in the American states and how these opinions in turn influence welfare spending. Using public opinion data from the General Social Survey ( 1974–96), I find that diversity has a direct influence on welfare policy in the states, as well as an indirect influence through shaping majority-group racial attitudes. Diversity and racial attitudes are found to have these effects even when controlling for factors traditionally used to explain variation in state spending levels, such as party competition, lower class mobilization, ideology, and state capacity.


2021 ◽  
pp. 215336872110075
Author(s):  
TaLisa J. Carter ◽  
Lallen T. Johnson

This study demonstrates that racially disparate fare evasion citation outcomes are the product of racialized social systems that allow transit police officers to determine the belongingness of Black riders in systems of mass transit. Using citation data from the Washington Metropolitan Area Transit Authority, we test the impact of race and place attributes on transit officer decisions to allocate punishment for subway fare evasion using mixed effects logistic regression controlling for individual and contextual predictors. Although rider racial identity alone proves statistically irrelevant, Black riders suspected of fare evasion possess an elevated risk for being fined as opposed to merely being warned at stations located within predominately white neighborhoods and as stations increase in ridership. These findings demonstrate how transit police officer discretion challenges Black belongingness on systems of public transportation. Broader implications of this work include the importance of scholarship linking statistical disparities to organizational intent and integrating diverse voices in policing policy development.


2020 ◽  
pp. 001112872092612
Author(s):  
Lance Hannon ◽  
Malik Neal ◽  
Alex R. Gustafson

It is commonly argued that Black people may be more likely to be stopped by the police in majority White neighborhoods due to a natural tendency to first observe and then scrutinize that which seems out of the ordinary. Anecdotal evidence of police officers appearing equally drawn to White people in predominantly Black neighborhoods is sometimes presented to suggest that the phenomenon is race neutral. Motivated by such narratives, we examine the extent to which Black versus White racial categorization encourages police scrutiny in out-of-place and in-place contexts. Applying the veil-of-darkness and vehicle search threshold tests, we find that in place or out of place, being seen as White is always an advantage in Philadelphia.


2020 ◽  
Vol 85 (1) ◽  
pp. 176-183 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael Zoorob

This comment reassesses the prominent claim from Desmond, Papachristos, and Kirk (2016) (DPK) that 911 calls plummeted—and homicides surged—because of a police brutality story in Milwaukee (the Jude story). The results in DPK depend on a substantial outlier 47 weeks after the Jude story, the final week of data. Identical analyses without the outlier final week show that the Jude story had no statistically significant effect on either total 911 calls or violent crime 911 calls. Modeling choices that do not extrapolate from data many weeks after the Jude story—including an event study and “regression discontinuity in time”—also find no evidence that calls declined, a consistent result across predominantly black neighborhoods, predominantly white neighborhoods, and citywide. Finally, plotting the raw data demonstrates stable 911 calls in the weeks around the Jude story. Overall, the existing empirical evidence does not support the theory that publishing brutality stories decreases crime reporting and increases murders.


2010 ◽  
Vol 43 (2) ◽  
pp. 235-256 ◽  
Author(s):  
Allison Harell ◽  
Dietlind Stolle

Abstract.In recent years, there has been increasing popular and academic debate about how ethnic and racial diversity affects democratic politics and social cohesion in industrialized liberal democracies. In this introduction, different interdisciplinary theoretical approaches for understanding the role of diversity for intergroup relations and social cohesion are reviewed and four extensions to the current literature are proposed. These include taking advantage of a comparative framework to understand how generalizable the consequences of diversity are. A comparative country approach also helps to reveal which policies might be able to mitigate any potential negative consequences of diversity. Most importantly, we propose that the research in this area should include other aspects of social cohesion beyond measures of generalized trust, such as solidarity, attitudes about the welfare state and redistributive justice, as well as political and social tolerance. Finally, research on the effects of diversity might gain more insights from taking less of a majority-centric approach to include the effects on various minority groups as well.Résumé.Ces dernières années ont procuré un sol fertile au débat populaire et universitaire autour des effets de la diversité ethnique et raciale sur la politique démocratique et sur la cohésion sociale dans les démocraties libérales industrialisées. Dans cette introduction, nous passons en revue diverses approches théoriques interdisciplinaires permettant de clarifier le rôle de la diversité dans les relations entre les groupes et dans la cohésion sociale et nous proposons quatre ajouts à la littérature courante. Nous suggérons, entre autres, de tirer profit d'un cadre comparatif pour comprendre à quel point les conséquences de la diversité sont généralisables. Une étude comparative des pays aide également à cerner les politiques qui pourraient atténuer les conséquences négatives potentielles de la diversité. Par-dessus tout, nous avançons que la recherche dans ce domaine devrait inclure d'autres aspects de la cohésion sociale à part les mesures de la confiance généralisée, des aspects tels que la solidarité, les attitudes envers l'État-providence et la justice redistributive, ainsi que la tolérance politique et sociale. Finalement, la recherche sur les effets de la diversité pourrait devenir plus instructive en adoptant une approche moins centrée sur la majorité afin d'inclure également les effets sur divers groupes minoritaires.


2013 ◽  
Vol 6 (3) ◽  
pp. 39-50
Author(s):  
Soo Ah Kwon

Drawing on existing literature and student ethnographic projects, this article examines Asian American undergraduates' overwhelming focus on individual racial identity and practices of racial segregation in their ethnographic research about the University of Illinois. The author examines how such racial segregation is described and analysed as a matter of personal 'choice' and 'comfort' rather than as the result of racial inequality, racism and the marginalisation and racialisation of minority groups. This lack of structural racial analysis in the examination of Asian American students' experiences points to the depoliticisation and institutionalisation of race in higher education today. Race is understood and more readily analysed as a politically neutral concept that invokes celebration of racial diversity and 'culture' and not as a concept marked by power and inequities as it once may have been.


2021 ◽  
Vol 5 (Supplement_1) ◽  
pp. 70-70
Author(s):  
Joanne Spetz ◽  
Laura Wagner ◽  
Timothy Bates

Abstract Registered nurses (RNs) are a key component of the long-term care (LTC) workforce and prior research demonstrates their importance to ensuring patient safety in LTC settings. RNs who work in LTC settings earn less than those who work in hospitals and also are more likely to be from racial and ethnic minority groups. This study seeks to measure wage differences between Registered Nurses (RNs) working in LTC and other settings (e.g., hospitals) and whether differences are associated with the characteristics of the RN workforce between and within settings. We used the 2018 National Sample Survey of Registered Nurses (NSSRN) public-use file to examine RN employment and earnings. Our study population included a sample of 15,373 employed RNs who provided patient care. Characteristics such as race/ethnicity, type of RN degree completed, census region, and union status were included in bivariate analyses and multiple regression analyses to examine the effect of these characteristics on wages. Logistic regression was used to predict RN employment in LTC settings. We found that RNs in LTC experienced lower wages compared to those in non-LTC settings, yet this difference was not associated with racial/ethnic or international educational differences. LTC nurses were also significantly less likely to be represented by a labor union, and there was not a statistically significant wage difference for LTC RNs who were unionized. Because RNs in LTC earn lower wages than RNs in other settings, policies to minimize pay inequities are needed to support the RN workforce caring for frail older adults.


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