Asquith at Paisley: the Content of British Liberalism at the End of Its Era

1964 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 133-159
Author(s):  
Robert Kelley

Two political campaigns in the Scottish Lowlands mark the beginning and the end of the half century during which the Liberal party rose, had its era of greatness, and fell. They are Midlothian and Paisley. In the first, William Gladstone made use of the new democracy of the Reform Act of 1867 by giving many speeches to vast crowds in a concentrated, spectacular campaign. He also broke new ground by setting out in these speeches the whole sweep of a political point of view, providing both contemporaries and historians with a convenient study in depth of its assumptions and goals. Midlothian was a legend before the cheers had subsided. It began a new era in British politics.The second of these landmark campaigns, that at Paisley, saw Herbert Henry Asquith, the last of Gladstone's protégés as well as the last Prime Minister of a Liberal government, stumping the streets of that industrial town in the first weeks of 1920. It, too, was the object of intense national interest and resulted in important political changes. Similarly, Asquith's speeches covered the whole range of national problems, thus supplying once more a convenient presentation in depth of Liberalism as the leader of the Liberal party conceived it. Paisley provides both a window into the political mêlée which saw the collapse of the Liberals and the rise of Labour, and a reference point in the history of Liberal thought in Britain. In brief, this is consensus Liberalism as it stood at the end of its half century of power and influence.

1946 ◽  
Vol 8 (03) ◽  
pp. 166-178 ◽  
Author(s):  
Henry Dale

I have been asked to speak about the history of the experimental method in medicine, with particular reference to the nineteenth century. This indication, though I do not propose to regard it as setting a limit, seems to have a special fitness, since it is to the nineteenth century, and especially to its latter half, that we must look for the effective beginning and astonishingly rapid development, the veritable outburst, indeed, of activity in the application of the experimental method to medicine, which opened the new era of medical progress in which we are living today. It is curious, perhaps, that this should have come so late in the history of science. For medicine had figured early in man's attempts to understand nature and his relation to it, and many departments of science which have long ago achieved recognition as independent bodies of knowledge originated as aspects of the physician's equipment—botany, for example, zoology and chemistry, as well as human anatomy and physiology, which still retain their attachment to the medical group of the scientific disciplines. From this point of view, then, it is not surprising to find two physicians, William Gilbert and William Harvey, as the leaders in this country of the scientific revolution which had begun in Europe in 1543 with the publication, within a few weeks of one another, of two books—one by Copernicus of Cracow,De Revolutionibus Orbium Coelestium, and the other by Vesalius of Padua,De Humani Corporis Fabrica. Both Gilbert and Harvey, we may be proud to remember, studied and first graduated in Medicine here, in Cambridge.


1996 ◽  
Vol 5 (3) ◽  
pp. 401-426 ◽  
Author(s):  
Frederick L. Mckitrick

On 10 July 1950, at the celebrations marking the fiftieth anniversary of the founding of the Wiesbaden Chamber of Artisans (Handwerkskammer), its president Karl Schöppler announced: ‘Today industry is in no way the enemy of Handwerk. Handwerk is not the enemy of industry.…’ These words, which accurately reflected the predominant point of view of the post-war chamber membership, and certainly of its politically influential leadership, marked a new era in the social, economic and political history of German artisans and, it is not too much to say, in the history of class relations in (West) Germany in general. Schöppler's immediate frame of reference was the long-standing and extremely consequential antipathy on the part of artisans towards industrial capitalism, an antipathy of which his listeners were well aware.


1986 ◽  
Vol 29 (2) ◽  
pp. 369-393 ◽  
Author(s):  
David Powell

The political history of Liberalism in the twenty years after 1886 was dominated by two great concerns: the need to find a unifying platform for the party which would be capable of sustaining it as an effective political force in the post-Gladstonian era and the need to come to terms with the growing economic and political strength of organized Labour. It was axiomatic that the two concerns were closely connected and that ‘social reform’ was the crucial link between them. It seemed clear that a more active social policy would not only renew the reforming impetus of Liberalism, but would also enable the Liberals to retain working-class support and so help to prevent the formation of a separate Labour party. This was the assumption that spurred Liberals to a redefinition of their political creed and led to the formulation of a ‘new Liberalism’ committed to policies of state intervention and social reform of the kind implemented by Asquith, Churchill and Lloyd George after 1906.3 However, while the New Liberalism may have acted as a cohering influence on the Liberal party (itself a moot point) and provided a firm intellectual justification for its policies, it proved less successful as a means of retaining Labour's undivided electoral support. With the formation, first of the Independent Labour Party in 1893, and then of the Labour Representation Committee in 1900, there was set in train the formal organizational separation of the Liberal and Labour parties that was so drastically to affect the subsequent fortunes of Liberalism and so decisively to shape the pattern of modern British politics. The question that remains is whether this rift was the result of the tardiness with which the Liberals adopted their new policies, whether it was the product of other, quite separate factors, or whether in some way the nature of the New Liberalism itself may have contributed to the breach.


10.12737/5673 ◽  
2015 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 23-35 ◽  
Author(s):  
Леонид Лазутин ◽  
Leonid Lazutin

Being an important region of the polar ionosphere, the auroral oval is considered in many studies on the disturbed magnetosphere. The oval seems to be thoroughly known to all researchers, but there is evidence of misunderstanding in some papers, so it is time to review this matter. Most works describing the auroral position and dynamics were published more than a half-century ago and became a rarity. In this paper, we tell the history of studies on distribution of auroras before the oval was discovered. We also touch upon the discovery of the oval and tell how it changed our viewpoint on the magnetospheric processes. Besides, we describe how the oval paradigm developed and became non-productive (from our point of view) for studying the structure of the magnetosphere and magnetospheric disturbances. Finally we show the position of the aural zone and auroral magnetosphere among the main domains of the magnetosphere.


Μνήμων ◽  
2005 ◽  
Vol 27 ◽  
pp. 181
Author(s):  
ΜΙΧΑΛΗΣ Π. ΛΥΜΠΕΡΑΤΟΣ

<p>Michalis P. Liberatos, Historical Time and the interpretations of the history of the Greek Civil War: the methodological problems</p><p>The idea of historical time is crucial from a methodological point of view as far as the study of political and social history are concerned. Especially about the history of the Greek Civil War, a period that convulsed public opinion and caused scientific interpretations overwhelmed by ideological and epistemological «burdens». The most important of them is the idea of a time constant, continual, without turnovers and breaks, that is time in the «common sense». This «time», according to its origins, self-determines its evolution, its «determination» explains all of the aspects and the historical stages and facts. This is the traditional assumption that change has always to be explained in terms of something fixed and unchangeable. As for the policy of the Greek Communist Party this notion of time provokes some historians to an explanation that associates this policy with the origins of its philosophical program and not with the «real history». This approach avoids to enquiry into the adaptation of this program to the demands of political relations in time, to counter policies and as a specification of social representations. It is mainly an unaltered policy that arises as the outcome of an assemblage of antecedent events that compose a passage of identities. Because of this domination of this notion of the «continuity» of time, the study of Greek Civil War reproduced the ideological configurations of the past. Therefore it has degraded very important aspects of historical reality, without giving adequate answers about them. These are the question of the deepest tasks of KKE and its strategy, the causes of the unscheduled creation of Democratic Army (ΔΣΕ) in the mountains, the role of the rival political powers, the extent of the possibilities of a negotiation, the relation between Greeks and the Great Powers. As the recent historical enquiries has showed —the edition of a book of Ph. Iliou signalled a new era in the interpretation of this period— a different methodological attitude is perhaps primarily useful on account of the errors it enables one to avoid, in particular in constructing the historical object. This article presents the implication between the dominant notion of «time», the difficulties in explanations and with the ability to overcome the epistemological «burdens» if is to be called into question the idea of historical time. This is important in order to break away from some presuppositions that are tacitly accepted by some historians. This new notion of time sweeps away the naively idealistic view of continuity, that traditional approaches have raised. Because it is history and the internal dynamic which carries evolution and not the historical unchanged «purposes».</p>


1950 ◽  
Vol 44 (2) ◽  
pp. 303-312 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jasper Y. Brinton
Keyword(s):  
New Era ◽  

The Mixed Courts of Egypt closed their doors on October 15th, 1949. At their inauguration in 1875, the Khedive Ismail had used these words: “This day, gentlemen, will mark the commencement of a new era of civilisation in the history of Egypt.“ This was a bold prophecy to make for an institution to whom the Powers had given only five years of life. The event, however, amply justified the Khedive's prediction, and proved once more the truth of the Egyptian proverb, “Only the provisional endures.” The institution survived every test. Twenty times its life was successively renewed for periods varying from two to five years. The well-known words of Sir Maurice Amos, spoken in 1925, when the Courts were rounding the half-century mark, might still challenge contradiction a quarter of a century later, as they reached the end of their life: “I have often taken occasion to remark that next to the Church, the Mixed Courts are the most successful institution in history.”


1960 ◽  
Vol 12 (46) ◽  
pp. 119-138
Author(s):  
J.F. Glaser

The fall of Charles Stewart Parnell as a result of the O'Shea divorce case in late 1890 is a dramatic episode of lasting human interest and an event of the first importance in the history of Ireland and of British politics. The story of the crisis has often been told, usually from the perspectives of the two Homeric protagonists, Parnell and Gladstone. While it is generally agreed that the English nonconformists played a decisive part in the dethronement of ‘the uncrowned king of Ireland’, their catalytic role has never been clearly, accurately, or fully explained. The problem is of special interest because it was during this controversy that ‘the nonconformist conscience’ entered the English language as a popular phrase as it had long before entered English politics as a potent reality. It is the purpose of this article to study the Parnell affair from the vantage point of English nonconformity and, in so doing, to re-examine the origin of the famous phrase and to throw light on the relationship of nonconformity and the liberal party in a critical phase of the home rule movement.


2021 ◽  
Vol 24 ◽  
pp. 25-43
Author(s):  
Stanisław Ciesielski

Bolshevik mythology presented the events of October 1917 as an effect of the operating laws of history, i.e. a necessary phenomenon through which the sense of history manifested, and, at the same time, as an effect of the activity of the masses led by the Bolshevik Party, an act in the power struggle. The Bolshevik myth of October 1917 was a founding myth; it created an impression that there had come a “new era in the history of humankind”, ending “all forms of exploitation”. It legitimised the government established at the time as one rooted in the revolution opening this new era and representing the most profound interests of a class that was to abolish the most tragic division in the history of humankind — class division. The myth of October had to have its collective and individual heroes. From this point of view its content was described in the most succinct manner by the following formula: the Great October Socialist Revolution was carried out by the working class allied with the poor peasantry led by the Bolshevik Party headed by Lenin. The cult of Lenin was primarily a cult of a victorious revolution and party leader that had led the masses to a triumph. Almost identical formulas were used by Stalin, Khrushchev and Gorbachev. However, the real heroes of the revolution were the Bolshevik themselves, their party and their leaders. In Stalinist times the main protagonist of the October myth was the “Bolshevik Party of Lenin-Stalin”. The leading role in the party became a crucial element of Bolshevik mythology, independent of political transformations and turns in the USSR.


2009 ◽  
pp. 183-192
Author(s):  
P.M. Yamchuk

The phenomenon of Petro Mohyla in the modern humanitarian university is most often viewed precisely from the point of view of understanding his figure not only as a building Church, its defender, in a sense as a Christian conservative, but also as a guardian and building national statehood, creator of religious-national transformation and state-renewal Khmelnytsky era and - later - Mazepa. As the History of the Orthodox Church in Ukraine rightly points out, "after 1632, when the Commonwealth entered into the reign of Wladyslaw IV and was headed by Petro Mohyla of Kiev, the Orthodox Church also entered a new era of its existence. The government's new course in resolving the religious issue, increasing political activity of the Orthodox community gave the Kyiv Metropolitanate the opportunity to restore legal status, to regulate relations with the state and society… This authority (Churches - P.Ya.)… was conditioned by the ability of the church institution to be full-blooded… the inner life of the church became perhaps the overriding task of Petro Mohyla ... Petro Mohyla justified the principles of its own jurisdiction ... emphasized the legitimacy of its power. "


2018 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 123-133
Author(s):  
Maria Sonsoles Guerras

This work makes part of the collective research of some professors and students of the History Department – Sector of Ancient and Medieval History – of UFRJ, who are financed by CNPq. Ater making a brief biographical sketch of Paulo Orósio, contemporary of Agostinho from Hipona, we analise the traces of the classical Roman culture that can be found in his work: the authors who served as sources for him, Cicero’s doctrine of classic historiography that he follows, and so on. The second part contains an analysis of some facts from Roman history which are, in the point of view of the author of the "Seven Books of History", a clear demonstration of how Providence has made use of the Roman World to start a new era: Christ is born during August’s time, therefore these two events will be forever joint and the "Pax Romana" will be the very beginning of the "Pax Christi". The objective of work is the analysis of Paulo Orósio's historical providentialism, for whom the Roman Empire is God’s Instrument for getting to the real Universal Christian Empire. according to Daniel’s prophecy.


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