Surfing and trying to keep afloat: The political communication process in a highly fragmented coalition led by a ‘Great Mediator’

Modern Italy ◽  
2008 ◽  
Vol 13 (3) ◽  
pp. 333-348 ◽  
Author(s):  
Franca Roncarolo ◽  
Marinella Belluati
Keyword(s):  
Political Communication ◽  
Policy Making ◽  
Communication Process ◽  
The Political ◽  
Critical Elements ◽  
Coalition Governments ◽  
The Third ◽  
Policy Making Process ◽  
Public Approval ◽  
The Government

This article analyses the experience of the second Prodi government from the standpoint of its political communication. The opening part contextualises the case by placing it within the broader framework of coalition governments generally, and briefly outlines the critical elements that, in Italy, prevent any majority from making a genuinely strategic use of communication in the policy-making process. The second part focuses on Prodi's poor communication, highlighting both its limits and the attempts at improvement made by the leader and his staff in 2007. Finally, the third part examines the journalistic coverage of the centre-left majority and considers the trend in public approval for the premier and the government, emphasising the problems that emerged on each side.

Administrative Reform Using Information and Communication Technologies (ICTS) in Korea

2001 ◽  
Vol 15 (2) ◽  
pp. 89-99
Author(s):  
Jinwoo Jung
Keyword(s):  
Digital Divide ◽  
Information And Communication Technologies ◽  
Open System ◽  
Policy Making ◽  
Communication Technologies ◽  
Administrative Reform ◽  
The Political ◽  
Policy Making Process ◽  
Information And Communication ◽  
The Government

The purpose of this study is to explain government efforts for administrative reform using ICTs in Korea. Especially, this study focuses on how the government informs, consults with and engages citizens using ICTs through an analysis of OPEN system in Seoul. Firstly, the political backgrounds and the institutions for constructing the e-government have been analyzed. Secondly, the OPEN system in Seoul has been analyzed. The result of this study shows that constructing the e-government as a means of administrative reform strengthens public participation and transparency in policy making process in spite of a few obstacles such as digital divide, secrecy problem.

The Dual Executive

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michelle Belco ◽  
Brandon Rottinghaus
Keyword(s):  
Policy Making ◽  
Political System ◽  
Government Support ◽  
The Political ◽  
Government Function ◽  
Dual Roles ◽  
System P ◽  
Policy Making Process

The president serves dual roles in the political system: one who “commands” by pursuing his or her agenda using unilateral orders and one who “administers” and who works to continue proper government function, often with the support of Congress. In a reassessment of the literature on unilateral power, this book considers the president’s dual roles during the stages of the policy-making process. Although presidents may appear to act “first and alone,” the reality is often much different. Presidents act in response to their own concerns, as well as assisting Congress on priorities and the need to maintain harmonic government function. The authors find support for both the model of an aggressive president who uses unilateral orders to push his or her agenda, head off unfavorable congressional legislation, and selectively implement legislation, and they find support for a unifying president who is willing to share management of government, support Congressional legislative efforts, and faithfully implement legislation. At the same time, presidents self-check their actions based on the ability of Congress to act to overturn their orders, through a shared sense of responsibility to keep government moving and out of respect for the constitutional balance. The shared nature of unilateral orders does not preclude an active president, as presidents remain strong, central actors in the political system.

The Stabilization Process Then and Now

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ben Epstein
Keyword(s):  
Political Communication ◽  
Status Quo ◽  
The Political ◽  
The Internet ◽  
Stabilization Process ◽  
The Third ◽  
Stabilization Phase ◽  
Over Time

This chapter shifts the focus to the third and final stabilization phase of the political communication cycle (PCC). During the stabilization phase, a new political communication order (PCO) takes shape through the building of norms, institutions, and regulations that serve to fix the newly established status quo in place. This status quo occurs when formerly innovative political communication activities become mundane, yet remain powerful. Much of the chapter details the pattern of communication regulation and institution construction over time. In particular, this chapter explores the instructive similarities and key differences between the regulation of radio and the internet, which offers important perspectives on the significance of our current place in the PCC and the consequences of choices that will be made over the next few years.

From One-Stop Graft to Costly Corruption Webs: Democratisation and Shifting Patterns of Corruption in Korea

2012 ◽  
Vol 40 (5-6) ◽  
pp. 635-663 ◽  
Author(s):  
James C. Schopf
Keyword(s):  
Policy Making ◽  
Veto Players ◽  
Objective Measures ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Opposition ◽  
Policy Making Process ◽  
One Stop ◽  
The Web

Abstract Democratisation has brought a new, riskier pattern of corruption to Korea. More groups and institutions have secured a role in a more inclusive democratic policy making process. As a result, corruption schemes now require the consent of a wide and diverse set of veto players, often including the political opposition, producing expansive democratic ‘corruption webs’. The key democratic element of competition for votes rewards opposition members in the web for blowing the whistle. Increased likelihood of exposure and punishment deter many from corruption, which has subsequently declined in Korea under democracy, as measured by perception polls, experience surveys and objective measures of elite rent exchange. The Roh Moo-hyeon NACF scandals demonstrate that democratic corruption webs also mitigate damage from scandals — forcing participants to limit rent exchange to minimise exposure to clean veto players. Democratic oversight ensures that even bribe-taking officials implement policy according to publicly-declared objectives. Finally, competition for votes encourages timely exposure of democratic corruption rackets.

SEMIOTIC ANALYSIS OF THE POLITICAL COMMUNICATION PATTERNS OF JOKO WIDODO AND NAHDLATUL ULAMA IN THE 2019 PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION CAMPAIGN

2021 ◽  
Vol 1 (4) ◽  
pp. 453-460
Author(s):  
Achmad Nafhis Ubaydillah ◽  
Effy Zalfiana Rusfian
Keyword(s):  
Political Communication ◽  
Communication Process ◽  
The Political ◽  
Communication Model ◽  
Semiotic Analysis ◽  
Political Messages ◽  
The Public ◽  
Figures Of Speech ◽  
Close Relationship ◽  
Nahdlatul Ulama

Semiotics is used as the basis for the meaning contained in each message, especially regarding political communication which uses a reference that every message meaning is contained in it. A political communication that uses the interactional communication model carried out by Joko Widodo and Nahdlatul Ulama convinces the public to support Joko Widodo as a candidate for President of Indonesia in 2019. Semiotics has a relationship with the prevailing culture in an area due to signs and patterns of political communication. carried out by Joko Widodo and Nahdlatul Ulama is believed to be a communication process and uses signs and figures of speech through the metaphor of political communication by referring to the communication made between the two actors to participate in seeing the communication process by sending messages to the public. Semiotics is used in a message as well as to be sent to the public. The campaign carried out by Joko Widodo has a close relationship with Nahdlatul Ulama as the two of them did to believe in all Indonesian people with the messages sent by both of them. However, the semiotic element contained in the political communication carried out by Joko Widodo and Nahdlatul Ulama invites the Indonesian people to follow what is done by interpreting the meaning of semiotics in the political messages sent by Joko Widodo and Nahdlatul Ulama to the Indonesian people.

Slovenia

2019 ◽  
pp. 475-521
Author(s):  
Alenka Krašovec ◽  
Tomaž Krpič
Keyword(s):  
Conflict Resolution ◽  
Political Parties ◽  
Coalition Formation ◽  
Democratic Party ◽  
Electoral System ◽  
Dropping Out ◽  
The Political ◽  
Coalition Governments ◽  
Frequent Use ◽  
The Government

Under the proportional representation (PR) electoral system in Slovenia, after elections, coalition governments have formed. However, the coalition partners have also adopted a ‘dropping out from government’ strategy between elections, which in some cases has led to minority governments. This has occurred despite a frequent use of several conflict-prevention and conflict-resolution mechanisms. One such mechanism, coalition agreements, are mostly understood in terms of policy agreements. After each election in the period 1992–2000, the leading party, the LDS, signed a coalition agreement with each coalition partner. Since 2013, such coalition agreements include a mechanism of explicitly stating in coalition agreements that certain issues are to be avoided. Regardless, governments termination in majority cases happened due to different (policy or personal) conflicts within the government. Early in the period, government coalitions were ideologically mixed. This was characteristic for governments under LDS leadership from 1992 to 2004, while after the 2004 elections, the governmental coalitions were much more ideologically homogenous. Alternation between like-minded ideological coalitions (centre-left or centre-right) took place. Simultaneously, the main lines of conflict changed. In the 1990s, initially a mostly ideological cleavage between ‘transformed’ and ‘newly established’ political parties was present, while after the 2004 elections, the economic cleavage became more salient. All parliamentary parties, except the Slovenian National Party, have at least briefly participated in governments, while the Democratic Party of Retired Persons have been since the mid-1990s the party with the biggest coalition potential. Since 2011, small parties have received pivotal roles in coalition formation. Generally speaking, participation in the government has not been electorally rewarding for the political parties.

The Tax Farming System in the Early Bangkok Period

1983 ◽  
Vol 14 (2) ◽  
pp. 379-399
Author(s):  
Hong Lysa
Keyword(s):  
Coming Of Age ◽  
Farming System ◽  
Economic Benefits ◽  
The Political ◽  
Administrative System ◽  
The Third ◽  
Revenue Collection ◽  
Tax Farming ◽  
Political Patronage ◽  
The Government

When King Chulalongkorn surveyed his realm on his second coronation in 1873 to mark the termination of the five-year regency at his coming of age, he saw much that was in need of reform. The king's assessment was that the monarch was but a figurehead; the existing framework of government was actually run by the leading nobility, foremost of whom were the regent and his family who wielded power based on their long dominance over the key administrative posts and the economic benefits that accrued from their official positions. From Chulalongkorn's viewpoint, the regent's family, which reached the pinnacle of its power during the regency of Chuang Bunnag (1868–73), dominated the bureaucracy, in effect controlled the administration of the country, and enriched itself with great facility at the expense of the king and the country. Through the political patronage that they extended to the tax farmers, the officials had assumed control of the tax farming system, the most pervasive method of revenue collection that was employed in the kingdom since the Third Reign. The germ of King Chulalongkorn's historic reform of the administrative system, restructured along rational, functional lines, thus lay in his desire to regain control over the government and economy, which had been gradually slipping out of the Crown's grip since the reign of his father, King Mongkut. The king was determined not to allow the situation to persist where substantial revenue from the tax farms was being channelled into the coffers of the leading noble families and the tax farmers themselves, to the detriment of the state.

The State Political Party and the Policy-Making Process

1973 ◽  
Vol 67 (1) ◽  
pp. 55-72 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sarah McCally Morehouse
Keyword(s):  
Political Party ◽  
Policy Making ◽  
The State ◽  
The Political ◽  
Socioeconomic Variables ◽  
Policy Making Process ◽  
Party Cohesion ◽  
Party Support

This research investigated the proposition that variation in the structure of the political party can account for variation in the type of policy produced. The conditions under which legislators of the governor's party supported his legislative requests in sixteen sessions chosen for different degrees of party cohesion were investigated. The findings indicate that there is very little correlation between the legislator's district primary or election competition and his support for the governor's requests. The Democratic governor is supported by legislators from the districts in which he himself has strong party support as measured by his primary vote. The Republican governor's support cannot be geographically located in this manner. With respect to socioeconomic legislation, the pattern of support for a successful governor does not depend upon socioeconomic variables within the legislators' districts, but if the governor cannot control his legislators, socioeconomic variables provide the major basis for the factions which develop.

IMF lending will prod Ukraine to sustain reforms

2017 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Capital Markets ◽  
Armed Conflict ◽  
Government Support ◽  
Political Crisis ◽  
The Political ◽  
International Capital ◽  
Content Type ◽  
International Capital Markets ◽  
The Third ◽  
The Government

Significance After releasing 1 billion dollars in April, the IMF is urging Ukraine to implement land and pension reforms to make it eligible for further lending tranches. The government is finding it hard to pursue controversial changes opposed by many voters and taken up as causes by the political opposition. Gontareva's resignation reflects a lack of government support and is a setback for the reformist camp. Impacts The 'economic war' emerging alongside armed conflict in the east will dent prospects for growth and reform. Failure to secure further IMF financing could accelerate the planned return to international capital markets, perhaps in the third quarter. Attempts to push through reforms such as land sales may lead to increased political strife but not a full-blown political crisis.

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