scholarly journals Raphael Cilento in Medicine and Politics: Visions and Contradictions

2013 ◽  
Vol 20 (1) ◽  
pp. 4-14
Author(s):  
Mark Finnane

At the end of his working life as a medical bureaucrat, Raphael Cilento twice tried his hand at Australian federal politics. After an initial joust at a Senate seat, he was encouraged by the fledgling Australian Democratic Union to try the House of Representatives. His choice of electorate was heroic. The seat of McPherson (Qld) was held by Arthur Fadden, one time prime minister and perennial member for this Darling Downs electorate. Standing as an ‘Independent Democrat’, Cilento targeted the Italian community in Stanthorpe, a district where he picked up half the vote in his otherwise unsuccessful campaign. His candidature attracted some notice. Brisbane's Truth described Sir Raphael as ‘the most distinguished Queenslander to ever enter the Federal political arena’. This might seem a little hyperbolic, but seen in the larger context of Cilento's national and international work, it was a defensible proposition. Seen literally, it is slightly less defensible since Cilento was not Queensland born. Rather, he came to adopt Queensland — and to seek to advance its standing as an example of successful white settlement of the tropics.

2015 ◽  
Vol 07 (02) ◽  
pp. 109-116
Author(s):  
Tai Wei LIM

A 2011 earthquake damaged the Fukushima nuclear reactor and provided a galvanising point for anti-nuclear resistance groups in Japan. Their public cause slowly faded from the political arena after the Democratic Party of Japan fell out of power and anti-nuclear politicians lost the 2014 Tokyo gubernatorial election. The current Liberal Democratic Party Prime Minister Abe holds a pro-nuclear position and urges the reactivation of Japan's nuclear reactors after all safeguards have been satisfied.


1939 ◽  
Vol 94 (3) ◽  
pp. 237
Author(s):  
C. B. W. ◽  
A. Grenfell Price
Keyword(s):  

Asian Survey ◽  
2003 ◽  
Vol 43 (1) ◽  
pp. 208-214 ◽  
Author(s):  
Karl-Heinz Kräämer

Under a nine-month state of emergency amid civil war, violence escalated and the human rights situation deteriorated. Dissent over extension of the emergency, and personal aversions between Prime Minister Sher Bahadur Deuba and party president Girija Prasad Koirala, led to a split in the ruling Nepali Congress Party. King Gyanendra dissolved the House of Representatives on the recommendation of the prime minister and called new elections for November 13. Gyanendra dismissed Deuba on October 4, as Deuba proved unable to hold the elections in time. The king assumed executive powers himself, nominated a new council of ministers, and delayed elections for an uncertain time.


Author(s):  
M. M. Dzera ◽  
R. Y. Pasichnyy ◽  
A. M. Ostapchuk

The place and international position of Lebanon in the world political arena today is changing and transforming under the influence of globalization. Thus, this is not deprive, but changes the vector on the international arena and does not exclude the already acquired conservative character. Prime Minister Tamam Salam, who is the executive of the President of the Republic of Lebanon, is reforming and liberalizing the law and changing the vector of foreign policy. He doing this without leaving the traditions and religious views, also without rejecting the conservative nature of foreign and domestic policies. Although Lebanon is part of the League of Arab States, which is accused of non-democracies, it has a democratic regime for a long time. Balancing the policy of the Lebanese Republic between conservatism, traditionalism, democracy and liberalization makes Lebanon a great country for analysis, since it provides an opportunity to reflect the coexistence of democracy with the stereotyped vision of the “Islamic world”.


Subject Libya's media landscape. Significance Four years after the fall of Muammar al-Qadhafi, Libya is experiencing an unprecedented information war. Its media are divided along partisan lines, reflecting the country's deepening political and armed power struggle. Privately-owned media push their respective agendas and sometimes engage in incitement. State-run media have split into two camps, one aligned with the House of Representatives (HoR) government of Prime Minister Abdullah al-Thinni in eastern Libya, and the other with the self-declared government of Omar al-Hassi in Tripoli. The deliberate peddling by partisan media of false or misleading narratives is feeding the country's conflict and making prospects for consensus and reconciliation bleaker. Impacts The dearth of accurate, non-partisan reporting is skewing domestic and international perceptions of the conflict and efforts to resolve it. The marked partisanship of Libya's media will cause armed and political groups to become more suspicious of broadcasters and the press. This will lead to further harassment of and violent attacks on local and foreign journalists. The information war risks further alienating a population already disconnected from the political process and state institutions.


Significance The election for the House of Representatives, the lower house of parliament, will be the second since the constitution was revised in 2011. This specified that the leader of the party winning the largest number of seats should be given the first opportunity to form a government. The revision led to the moderate Islamist party, the Justice and Development Party (PJD), leading the government for the first time after its victory in the November 2011 poll. Impacts The election will focus attention on contentious reforms to pensions, subsidies and the education system. The months ahead will be dominated by speculation about party alliances and the likely shape of a future coalition government. The palace seems ready to accept a second term for Prime Minister Abdelilah Benkirane, but is also keen to see PAM within government.


Subject Thailand's long-delayed election. Significance More than 40 new political parties have been registered in Thailand since March 2, and established parties will be allowed to begin registering members on April 1, as Prime Minister Prayut Chan-o-cha and the military-led National Council for Peace and Order (NCPO) begin a process of preparing for a long-delayed general election. The 2017 constitution initiated by the NCPO allows the (to be re-established) House of Representatives to select an ‘outsider’ as prime minister if it is unable to decide on a party-affiliated figure. Impacts Persistent election delays will not affect Thailand’s current economic recovery. Despite mounting political pressure on the government to commit to a poll, anti-government protests will not grow. Improving relations with the United States could insulate the government from EU pressure on delayed elections.


Significance Prime Minister Scott Morrison, leader of the Liberal-National coalition, is personally popular but the coalition's electoral appeal is limited because of its handling of the January bushfires and COVID-19. The latter has led to Australia’s first recession in 29 years. Impacts Restoring Australian growth could be complicated by political and trade frictions with China. A smooth return to economic growth could see a federal election called shortly after August 2021. The by-election result maintains the government’s two-seat majority in the House of Representatives.


Significance The Constitutional Court earlier this month banned the Thai Raksa Chart Party, an offshoot of exiled former Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra’s Pheu Thai Party. A 500-member House of Representatives, based on mixed-member proportional representation, and a 250-member Senate, hand-picked by the military-led National Council for Peace and Order, will together decide on the next prime minister. Impacts The military will exercise considerable influence over post-election policymaking through the Senate. Foreign direct investment may increase following the installation of a civilian administration. Relations with the West, especially the EU, are likely to improve under a civilian government.


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