“All Parties Treat Silesians Instrumentally”: On Political Representation at the Regional Level

2020 ◽  
pp. 1-19
Author(s):  
Agnieszka Turska-Kawa ◽  
Rafał Glajcar
Keyword(s):  
20Th Century ◽  
Political Representation ◽  
Regional Level ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Debate ◽  
Interview Method ◽  
Clear Vision ◽  
Group A ◽  
State Of Affairs ◽  
Political Scene

Abstract The turn of the 20th century experienced an intensification of processes that strengthened Silesian identity, which became an important element of political debate in the region. This was reflected in the emergence of a growing number of entities that placed Silesian issues among their priority objectives and defined themselves as representatives of the interests of Silesia and Silesians. The aim of the study was to verify the political representative potential of groups in Upper Silesia. We accepted the hypothesis that the stronger the identity of a particular group (regional or national) the greater the probability that entities placing fundamental objectives strictly within the scope of regional issues should enjoy broad support in the region, and such entities consequently should be perceived as political representatives of the group. A study conducted using the categorized interview method (N=54) proves quite clearly that Silesians are unable to identify entities on the regional political scene that could represent them sufficiently. The determinants of this state of affairs are found not only in the negative actions of political entities but also in the absence of a clear vision of representation, which could constitute a basis for the formulated expectations of Silesians.

scholarly journals Peronism as a model of social and political development: The modern Argentinian myth

2014 ◽  
Vol 66 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 137-159
Author(s):  
Zoran Krstic
Keyword(s):  
20Th Century ◽  
Political Development ◽  
Scientific Literature ◽  
Cultural Development ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Movement ◽  
Social Development Model ◽  
Juan Domingo Peron ◽  
The Subject ◽  
Political Scene

The subject of the analysis in this paper is the study of the emergence and evolution of the phenomenon of Peronism as the most important political movement and ideology in Argentina and perhaps in Latin America throughout the 20th century. The basic aim of this paper is to present Peronism as a political movement and model of development which emerged during the rule of Juan Domingo Peron in the mid-20th century. This movement continued to exist and last after Peron?s demission from the political scene. In recent history Peronism became something more significant than a political movement or a social development model. Because of that, Peronism can be characterized as a myth. Nowadays, Perosnism is one of the crucial factors in the socio-economic and cultural development in Argentina. The focus of research in this paper is on the presentation and explication of the notions/topics concerning Peron, his movement and rule. These ones are populism, presidentialism and personalisation of power. Also, this paper will analyse the conditions, facts and circumstances under which Peronism emerged and survived in spite of many critics and disputes in the scientific literature as well in the Argentinian politics and society.

scholarly journals Antimonopoly in American Politics, 1945–2000

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Daniel Scroop
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
World War Ii ◽  
20Th Century ◽  
American Politics ◽  
National Level ◽  
Consumer Welfare ◽  
The United States ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Debate ◽  
Late 20Th Century

Antimonopoly, meaning opposition to the exclusive or near-exclusive control of an industry or business by one or a very few businesses, played a relatively muted role in the history of the post-1945 era, certainly compared to some earlier periods in American history. However, the subject of antimonopoly is important because it sheds light on changing attitudes toward concentrated power, corporations, and the federal government in the United States after World War II. Paradoxically, as antimonopoly declined as a grass-roots force in American politics, the technical, expert-driven field of antitrust enjoyed a golden age. From the 1940s to the 1960s, antitrust operated on principles that were broadly in line with those that inspired its creation in the late 19th and early 20th century, acknowledging the special contribution small-business owners made to US democratic culture. In these years, antimonopoly remained sufficiently potent as a political force to sustain the careers of national-level politicians such as congressmen Wright Patman and Estes Kefauver and to inform the opinions of Supreme Court justices such as Hugo Black and William O. Douglas. Antimonopoly and consumer politics overlapped in this period. From the mid-1960s onward, Ralph Nader repeatedly tapped antimonopoly ideas in his writings and consumer activism, skillfully exploiting popular anxieties about concentrated economic power. At the same time, as part of the United States’ rise to global hegemony, officials in the federal government’s Antitrust Division exported antitrust overseas, building it into the political, economic, and legal architecture of the postwar world. Beginning in the 1940s, conservative lawyers and economists launched a counterattack against the conception of antitrust elaborated in the progressive era. By making consumer welfare—understood in terms of low prices and market efficiency—the determining factor in antitrust cases, they made a major intellectual and political contribution to the rightward thrust of US politics in the 1970s and 1980s. Robert Bork’s The Antitrust Paradox, published in 1978, popularized and signaled the ascendency of this new approach. In the 1980s and 1990s antimonopoly drifted to the margin of political debate. Fear of big government now loomed larger in US politics than the specter of monopoly or of corporate domination. In the late 20th century, Americans, more often than not, directed their antipathy toward concentrated power in its public, rather than its private, forms. This fundamental shift in the political landscape accounts in large part for the overall decline of antimonopoly—a venerable American political tradition—in the period 1945 to 2000.

scholarly journals Comparative analysis of the political activity of the Polish minority in Ukraine and the Ukrainian minority in Poland in 1990-2015 (based on pilot studies from 2014-2015)

2017 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 233-278
Author(s):  
Sławomir Łodziński ◽  
Sergiusz Rudnicki
Keyword(s):  
Political Representation ◽  
Local Level ◽  
Political Activity ◽  
The Political ◽  
Pilot Studies ◽  
Country Level ◽  
National Minorities ◽  
European Standards ◽  
Political Scene

Abstract The article tries to analyze the participation and political representation of the Polish minority in Ukraine and the Ukrainian minority in Poland in the period 1990-2015. Its meaning stems from at least several reasons. Firstly, because the both states officially accepted national minorities after 1990, they have introduced institutional arrangements of protection of their rights and have signed the major international documents in this area. Secondly, because the process of adaptation of European standards of minority protection took place in both countries in the situation of deep democratic changes and market reforms. Hence, the question of the role of minority policy in this has emerged. Thirdly, because the both countries are linked to one another because of a shared common history that sometimes divides societies and public opinion in these states and the political activity of both groups can increase or diminish these socio-political divisions. In the case of the Polish minority in Ukraine this article draws attention to the lack of political representation at country level and its limited activity as the Polish group at the local level (based on the Zhytomyr example). On the other hand in the case of the Ukrainian minority in Poland the article highlights the process of gradual decline of its political activity on the country level (as a result of the spatial dispersion of this group and the absence of a political partner on the country political scene) while we may observe its political activity at the local level.

scholarly journals DARI MAKASSAR KE MAKASSAR: ASPEK DEMOGRAFI DAN POLITIK PROSES “ETNISASI” SEBUAH KOTA

Populasi ◽  
2016 ◽  
Vol 14 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Dias Pradadimara
Keyword(s):  
20Th Century ◽  
The Political ◽  
Early 20Th Century ◽  
South Sulawesi ◽  
Local Politicians ◽  
Political Conditions ◽  
Ujung Pandang ◽  
The City ◽  
Political Scene

The city of Makassar, once named Ujung Pandang, in South Sulawesi, underwent tremendous transformation in the 20th century. This transformation significantly changed the image of the city from a cosmopolitan town to a provincial and “ethnic” city. This article shows that the changes of the city’s image did not happen by itself. There were changing structural conditions, namely demographic and political conditions, which allowed the changes to happen.Since early 20th century the population of the city has grown exponentially. First, in-migrants from the surrounding regions in the eastern part of Indonesia flocked into the city until early 1950s. Second, due to the rebellion and unrest in the countryside of South Sulawesi since 1950 inmigrants, mostly refugees, from Bugis-speaking areas in even larger number swarmed Makassar. Parallel with the demographical changes, the political scene in the city (and the province) was increasingly dominated by politicians and bureaucrats of South-Sulawesi origins. The Permesta rebellion in late-1950s triggered the departure of mostly non-South Sulawesi politicians away from the region leaving the political stage fully in the hands of local politicians. The “ethnic-ization” of the city was made possible by these demographical and political changes.

Mexico’s Political Laboratory: The Revolutionary and Postrevolutionary Southeast

2016 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sarah Osten
Keyword(s):  
20Th Century ◽  
Mexican Revolution ◽  
Political History ◽  
Regional Level ◽  
The Political ◽  
Mexican History ◽  
Revolutionary Movement ◽  
History Of ◽  
Lazaro Cardenas

The history of the 20th century in the Southeast of Mexico is bookended by two revolutions: the Mexican Revolution as it played out in the region, along with its antecedents and aftermath, and a very different but related revolutionary movement that emerged in the state of Chiapas in the mid-1990s. The former has been little studied at the multistate regional level by historians but is critical for understanding the history of the states of the Southeast in the decades that followed. The latter has been intensively studied by scholars in numerous disciplines, but its long-term historical implications remain to be seen. Equally important but scarcely studied and relatively little known is the political history of the Southeast in between these periods of conflict and revolution. The Southeast is a region that is commonly regarded as distinct, and even marginal, within national histories of Mexico. In the 1980s, President Miguel de la Madrid suggested that the Mexican Revolution had never reached Chiapas. Yet decades earlier, President Lázaro Cárdenas (1934–1940) famously praised neighboring Tabasco as Mexico’s “laboratory of revolution.” Meanwhile, historian Ben Fallaw contends that Yucatán was one of the most important of Mexico’s political laboratories during the 1930s. Taken together, these seemingly conflicting assertions underscore that many of the things that made the Southeast unique within Mexico also made the region important and influential to the course of modern Mexican history. They also raise the question of the Southeast’s experience of the Revolution and the long-term legacies of the revolutionary political projects that unfolded there.

The Changing West German Party System: Consequences of the 1987 Election

1987 ◽  
Vol 22 (3) ◽  
pp. 131-144
Author(s):  
Gordon Smith
Keyword(s):  
Party System ◽  
The Political ◽  
Gradual Change ◽  
Political Debate ◽  
Sharp Fall ◽  
German Politics ◽  
Cursory Examination ◽  
Political Scene

Dramatic Change is Hardly a Feature of West German politics. The signals are usually visible well in advance — but gradual change also means that the wider significance of particular developments may be overlooked. A cursory examination of the political scene in the wake of the election held in January 1987 may fail to reveal much that is new since the success of the Christian Democrats in 1983. Thus, despite the sharp fall in the CDU vote, the coalition with the Free Democrats was comfortably confirmed in office. At the same time, the haemorrhage of SPD support — although partially staunched — still continued, with the inability to .make a recovery in the intervening years the haunting question for the party.’ Chiefly at the expense of the SPD, the Greens have now anchored themselves in the party system. Their presence on the federal stage since 1983, and earlier in the Länder, has gingered up political debate and forced issues on to the agenda that otherwise would have been neglected. There are signs of change, but how are they to be interpreted?

scholarly journals Women Architects outside the Spanish Borders: Patriarchal Models at International Congresses (1939–1975)

Arts ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 26
Author(s):  
Josenia Hervás ◽  
Silvia Blanco-Agüeira
Keyword(s):  
20Th Century ◽  
The Political ◽  
Women Architects ◽  
Francisco Franco ◽  
The Sixties ◽  
Political Scene

In the complex political scene surrounding the death of Francisco Franco, Spanish female architects were crossing borders to try and understand what was happening abroad. This article provides unpublished data on the various experiences of female graduates in Spain when they shared their enthusiasm, concerns and energy with colleagues from other countries at international conferences that took place before the arrival of democracy. For almost four decades, between 1939 and 1975, Spanish female architects were limited by the patriarchal system’s own barriers and by the political barriers imposed by Franco’s regime. This paper aims to organise and articulate women’s memories, proving the implicit acceptance of patriarchal ideas and models at the start of the 20th century, the timidity of the congress resolutions in the sixties and the later awakening provided by UIFA (Union Internationale des Femmes Architectes) congresses. Finally, it is worth examining the metamorphosis that occurred in free western societies in the 20th century, with respect to the role played by women as a user and as a professional, through the attentive gaze of women architects from a nondemocratic country.

scholarly journals From corporatism to the “foundation of labour”: notes on political cultures across Fascist and Republican Italy

Tempo ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 25 (1) ◽  
pp. 239-255
Author(s):  
Laura Cerasi
Keyword(s):  
20Th Century ◽  
The State ◽  
The Political ◽  
Modern State ◽  
Political Debate ◽  
Political Cultures ◽  
The Individual ◽  
Institutional Architecture ◽  
The Relationship

Abstract: Until the mid-1930s, corporatism represented the main vehicle of self-representation that fascism gave to its own resolution of the crisis of the modern state; the investment in corporatism involved not only the attempt to build a new institutional architecture that regulated the relations between the State, the individual and society, but also the legal, economic and political debate. However, while the importance of corporatism decreased in the last years of the regime, the labour issue to which it was genetically linked found new impetus. After Liberation Day, the labour issue was not abandoned along with corporatism, but it was laid down in Article 1 of the Constitution. The aim of this paper is to acknowledge the political cultures that in interwar years faced the above-mentioned processes, with particular reference to the fascist “left”, the reformist socialists and, above all, Catholics of different orientations, in order to examine some features of the relationship between the labour issue and statehood across the 20th century.

scholarly journals PUBLIC SPHERE OF POLITICS AND DELIBERATIVE DEMOCRACY: DEMARCATION CRITERIA

2020 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 241-250
Author(s):  
Olexander Serghijovych Tokovenko ◽  
Oleksii Anatoliyovych Tretiak
Keyword(s):  
Public Sphere ◽  
Deliberative Democracy ◽  
Political Communication ◽  
Political Representation ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Debate ◽  
The Public ◽  
Subject Areas ◽  
The Subject ◽  
The Public Sphere

The prospects of development of modern political theory in the context of filling the new semantic values of concepts of political discourse, political communication and public political representation are considered. The network of newly established democratic institutions, which required firm defenition, practicing public political debate and not distorted political communication defined. With the help of the comparative method, the common and different conceptual views of political debate in interpreting deliberative democracy and the public sphere of politics studied. The content of the concept of the public sphere of politics as a factor of coverage of the transition of democratic public institutions of transformational countries from the state of declarative to a state of sustainable democracy is discussed. Public sphere of politics as mainly unifying concept that determines the possibility of various aspects of joint interpretation of political realities and possibilities of the political participants’ appearance for any topic studied. The subject areas of the concepts of deliberative politics and the public sphere of politics regarding the ways of personal and institutional self-presentation are determined. The specifics of the reflection of political conflict and political decisions within the limits of the values of the public sphere of politics and deliberative democracy are revealed. The features of common approaches to the interpretation of political pluralism and political competition in the semantic structures of the public sphere of politics and deliberative democracy are explored. It emphasizes the flexibility of the concept of the public sphere of politics as a concept that encompasses a large number of events and phenomena of political communication. The possibility of a non-idealist approach to public political presentations on the Internet is substantiated. The political meaning dimensions of political deliberation and political manifestation which differ in explanations background of individual behavior, based on the ancient principle of political pragmatism and defending of selfish interests considered.The explanatory potential of a deliberative policy and the public sphere of politics is singled out. The peculiarities of crossing the subject areas of the public sphere of politics and deliberative democracy in the context of the functioning of modern civil society are established.

Greening the Constitution. The principle of sustainable development anchored in the Belgian Constitution

elni Review ◽  
2012 ◽  
pp. 74-82
Author(s):  
Peter de Smedt ◽  
Hendrik Schoukens ◽  
Tania Van Laer
Keyword(s):  
Sustainable Development ◽  
Environmental Law ◽  
Regional Level ◽  
Future Generations ◽  
The Political ◽  
European Level ◽  
Policy Goal ◽  
Environment And Development ◽  
Political Scene ◽  
Common Future

The concept of sustainable development is getting settled well within the framework of environmental law. The current meaning of this concept was defined by the report Our Common Future (1987) of the World Commission on Environment and Development (WCED): "Sustainable development is development that meets the needs of the present without compromising the ability of future generations to meet their own needs." Since the publication of the Bundtlandreport in 1987, the concept of sustainable development can no longer be thought away from the political scene. Especially since the Conference of Rio in 1992 the concept has been used more often in juridical texts, at international as well as at European level. Also in the Belgian legal order, the concept of sustainable development has found its way into legislation at federal as well as at regional level step-by-step. As in international documents and treaties, the concept is mostly formulated as a policy goal. After examining the anchoring of sustainable development in the Belgian Constitution the authors of this article discuss the concept's juridical enforceability and subsequently analyse the consequences of this qualification for the application in the jurisprudence. The article ends with some concluding remarks.

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