Associations and Activism: Mobilization of Urban Informal Workers in Costa Rica and Nicaragua

1999 ◽  
Vol 41 (3) ◽  
pp. 35-66 ◽  
Author(s):  
Charles L. Davis ◽  
Edwin E. Aguilar ◽  
John G. Speer
Keyword(s):  
Civil Society ◽  
Costa Rica ◽  
Political Parties ◽  
Political Participation ◽  
Latin American ◽  
Informal Sector ◽  
High Intensity ◽  
Informal Workers ◽  
Politically Active ◽  
American Civil Society

Studies of Latin American civil society tend to assume that popular organizations promote “high-intensity” forms of political participation while political parties mainly encourage voting. This study compares the influence of these two forces in the urban informal sector. Association involvement, low in both samples, is related to “higher-intensity” participation, but the differential influence of associations and parties holds only for Costa Rica; Nicaragua’s revolutionary FSLN has fostered a more politically active citizenry.

Community Organizations and Latin America’s Poorest Citizens: Voting, Protesting, and Contacting Government

2020 ◽  
Vol 62 (4) ◽  
pp. 98-125
Author(s):  
Carew Boulding ◽  
Claudio A. Holzner
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Political Participation ◽  
Survey Data ◽  
Latin American ◽  
Strong Predictor ◽  
Community Organizations ◽  
Poor People ◽  
Income Groups ◽  
Politically Active ◽  
Latin American Countries

ABSTRACTHow do Latin America’s poorest citizens participate in politics? This article explores the role that community organizations play in mobilizing individuals into three common modes of political participation: voting, protesting, and contacting government. It argues that community organizations help mobilize poor individuals both through the resources they provide for mobilization and because they serve as sites where political parties target individuals for mobilization. It analyzes survey data from LAPOP surveys for 18 Latin American countries and finds that overall, poor people are just as politically active as more affluent individuals; that involvement in community organizations is a very strong predictor of all types of political participation; and that membership in organizations has an especially strong effect on voting and protesting for poor people. By equalizing levels of political participation across income groups, organizations help erase class-based inequalities in participation that have plagued democracies in the region.

18. Political Participation

2020 ◽  
pp. 318-335
Author(s):  
Herbert Kitschelt ◽  
Philipp Rehm
Keyword(s):  
Social Networks ◽  
Social Movements ◽  
Political Parties ◽  
Collective Action ◽  
Political Participation ◽  
Interest Groups ◽  
Macro Level ◽  
Micro Level ◽  
Politically Active

This chapter examines four fundamental questions relating to political participation. First, it considers different modes of political participation such as social movements, interest groups, and political parties. Second, it analyses the determinants of political participation, focusing in particular on the paradox of collective action. Third, it explains political participation at the macro-level in order to identify which contextual conditions are conducive to participation and the role of economic affluence in political participation. Finally, the chapter discusses political participation at the micro-level. It shows that both formal associations and informal social networks, configured around family and friendship ties, supplement individual capacities to engage in political participation or compensate for weak capacities, so as to boost an individual’s probability to become politically active.

18. Political participation

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Herbert Kitschelt ◽  
Philipp Rehm
Keyword(s):  
Social Networks ◽  
Social Movements ◽  
Political Parties ◽  
Collective Action ◽  
Political Participation ◽  
Interest Groups ◽  
Macro Level ◽  
Micro Level ◽  
Politically Active

This chapter examines four fundamental questions relating to political participation. First, it considers different modes of political participation such as social movements, interest groups, and political parties. Second, it analyses the determinants of political participation, focusing in particular on the paradox of collective action. Third, it explains political participation at the macro-level in order to identify which contextual conditions are conducive to participation and the role of economic affluence in political participation. Finally, the chapter discusses political participation at the micro-level. It shows that both formal associations and informal social networks, configured around family and friendship ties, supplement individual capacities to engage in political participation or compensate for weak capacities, so as to boost an individual's probability to become politically active.

scholarly journals Mecanismos de representación política en las democracias latinoamericanas: las cuotas electorales de género

2016 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 39
Author(s):  
Roberto Álvarez San Martín
Keyword(s):  
Latin America ◽  
Costa Rica ◽  
Political Participation ◽  
Latin American ◽  
Political Representation ◽  
The Political ◽  
Gender Quotas ◽  
Participation Of Women ◽  
Las Mujeres ◽  
America Latina

Resumen: A partir de cifras y hechos planteados por PNUD, CEPAL, FLACSO Chile e INSTRAW sobre la participación política de las mujeres, se realiza una revisión de los debates, aplicaciones y efectos de las cuotas electorales de género en América latina. Se toman en cuenta las diferentes barreras que deben sortear las mujeres en la arena política, y se analizan la definición, alcances y argumentos en pro y en contra de las cuotas electorales de género. Se analiza este mecanismo a partir de los casos de Argentina y Costa Rica, los más exitosos en términos de resultados; mientras México evidencia el impacto incremental de las cuotas en la representación femenina, Perú pone en evidencia la influencia de la fuerte tradición presidencialista. Brasil es un caso paradigmático, que representaría el fracaso de las cuotas de género. Se concluye que, salvo Argentina, las otras democracias sólo han podido acelerar el proceso de inclusión real de mujeres en los procesos eleccionarios, pero sin que los resultados sean realmente compatibles con lo esperado. Las mujeres latinoamericanas, con cuotas o sin ellas, siguen estando sub-representadas en los espacios de participación política.Palabras clave: Participación política femenina, cuotas electorales de género, mecanismos de representación política.Abstract: On the basis of data and facts put forth by UN, CEPAL, FLACSO Chile e INSTRAW about the political participation of women, this article analyzes the debates about the application and effects of electoral gender quotas in Latin America. The barriers to women’s political participation are taken into account, analyzing the definition, reach and arguments for and against gender quotas. The cases of Argentina and Costa Rica, the most successful in results, are analyzed. While Mexico shows the increased impact of quotas, Peru makes evident the influence of the strong presidential tradition. Brazil is a paradigmatic case, representing the failure of gender quotes. In conclusion, save for Argentina, other democracies have only accelerated the process of women’s inclusion in election processes, but without results compatible with expectations. Latin American women, with out without quotas, are underrepresented in the spaces of political participation.Key words: feminine political participation, electoral gender quotas, mechanisms of political representation.

Civil Society Mobilizing Action

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Russell J. Dalton
Keyword(s):  
Civil Society ◽  
Political Parties ◽  
Social Status ◽  
Positive Relationship ◽  
Social Groups ◽  
Group Activity ◽  
Business Associations ◽  
Religious Groups ◽  
Established Democracies ◽  
Politically Active

Social groups are often considered schools of democracy where people learn participatory norms and develop participatory skills. This chapter describes the levels of activity for five social groups: political parties, unions and business associations, religious groups, leisure groups, and other groups. The analyses then show the positive relationship between group activity and various modes of activity across the established democracies. There is also a social-status bias in these effects. Higher-status individuals are more active in social groups, which gives them an additional bonus in becoming politically active. Thus social groups generally widen the participation gap defined by social status alone.

Uruguay: A Marxist Alleluia

Worldview ◽  
1972 ◽  
Vol 15 (4) ◽  
pp. 24-30
Author(s):  
Emilio Castro
Keyword(s):  
Costa Rica ◽  
Political Parties ◽  
Latin American ◽  
American Continent ◽  
History Of ◽  
Democratic Stability

Uruguay, with a tradition of democratic stability similar to that of Chile and, to a certain extent, Costa Rica, has characteristics which distinguish it within the Latin American continent. Some of these were highlighted during the last few months of 1971 when Uruguay became a center of world attention: The traditional two-party regime was confronted with a conglomeration of political parties of the Left which appeared capable of coming to power through the elections, thus repeating the phenomenon of Chile.On November 24,1971, the largest political demonstration in the history of Uruguay took place. An enormous crowd, wild with enthusiasm, marched through all parts of Montevideo and gathered in front of the parliament building to express its support for the Frente Amplio (Broad Front).

‘It is time to reterritorialise utopian thinking’: community, the commons and the funding of autonomous movements in Latin America – an interview with Marcelo Lopes de Souza

2019 ◽  
pp. 119-134
Keyword(s):  
Social Movements ◽  
Civil Society ◽  
Community Development ◽  
Latin American ◽  
Community Empowerment ◽  
Community Based ◽  
Utopian Thinking ◽  
The Commons ◽  
American Civil Society

This chapter presents an interview with Marcelo Lopes de Souza, a scholar who cooperates with social movements, and professor in the Department of Geography at the Federal University of Rio de Janeiro, Brazil. Drawing on the experiences of Latin American social movements, Marcelo discusses the implications of a commitment to radical autonomy for the funding of community-based movements and for emancipatory community development more broadly. Among the topics covered are the importance of ‘the commons’ in the life of communities; the role of ‘autonomous’ movements in community empowerment; the so-called ‘NGOisation’ of Latin American civil society and the extent to which this phenomenon has been a feature of the movements that Marcelo is familiar as well as its effects.

Psychological aspects of political participation and protest readiness of the youth of Primorsky Krai

2021 ◽  
pp. 23-34
Author(s):  
Olga Aleksandrovna Kaptsevich ◽  
Egor Borisovich Marin ◽  
Nadezhda Vladimirovna Osmachko
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Political Participation ◽  
Far East ◽  
Political Activity ◽  
Educational Institutions ◽  
Russian Society ◽  
Primorsky Krai ◽  
The Subject ◽  
Politically Active ◽  
Categorical Method

Changes that take place in the Russian society generate conflicts that are often implemented in  form of a protest. Youth is the peculiar actor of protest behavior. The subject of this research is the psychological, namely emotional aspect of the attitude towards politics and its engagement into political interest and political behavior (including protest behavior) of youth of the Far East. The research involved 254 students from several universities of Primorsky Krai. Questionnaire that included a number of blocks aimed at studying emotions, interest in politics, political participation, and protest behavior was used for collecting the information. Application of the categorical method of key components, the author determined the two forms of potential protest behavior: “radical” and “moderate”. “Radical protest” reveals correlation with an entire range of negative emotions, while “moderate protest” has relatively few emotional correlates and is more typical among female respondents. “Radical” protest indicates high political activity: its supporters actively participate in politics in one or another way; “moderate” protest does not indicate such correlates. Therefore, politically active youth is more likely to have radical protest moods. The analysis of emotional attitude towards government can be considered as a marker of protest potential and its vector towards “softer” or “aggressive” forms of protest. The acquired results are valuable for government authorities, political parties, and educational institutions.

Democracy without Parties? Political Parties and Regime Change in Fujimori's Peru

2003 ◽  
Vol 45 (03) ◽  
pp. 1-33 ◽  
Author(s):  
Steven Levitsky ◽  
Maxwell A. Cameron
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Mass Media ◽  
Latin American ◽  
Informal Sector ◽  
Party System ◽  
Structural Changes ◽  
Authoritarian Regime ◽  
American Democracy ◽  
System Decomposition ◽  
Media Technologies

AbstractPolitical parties are critical to Latin American democracy. This was demonstrated in Peru, where an atomized, candidate-centered party system developed after Alberto Fujimori's 1992 presidential self-coup. Party system decomposition weakened the democratic opposition against an increasingly authoritarian regime. Since the regime collapsed in 2000, prospects for party rebuilding have been mixed. Structural changes, such as the growth of the informal sector and the spread of mass media technologies, have weakened politicians' incentive to build parties. Although these changes did not cause the collapse of the party system, they may inhibit its reconstruction.

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