Gender Equality from Beneath: Electoral Gender Quotas in Poland

Author(s):  
Anna Śledzińska-Simon ◽  
Adam Bodnar

Abstract This article explores the introduction of electoral gender quotas and the unprecedented social mobilization in pursuit of gender equality in Poland. The quota law was adopted as a citizens’ initiative organized by the Congress of Women, a new women’s movement. The article analyzes the factors that account for the success of this initiative, which permanently changed the public debate on gender rights in Poland. In contrast to other countries with legislative gender quotas, the Polish law was the result of bottom-up processes, and it has a strong democratic legitimacy. The law has not significantly influenced the representation of women in the Parliament, yet it significantly mainstreamed the gender perspective in the public debate. Nonetheless, the way in which the quota law has been applied by political parties shows that Polish women in politics are a “minority” devoid of power, and that the prospects for a parity democracy are still remote.

2020 ◽  
Vol 41 (85) ◽  
pp. 112-134
Author(s):  
Luis Antonio Corona Nakamura ◽  
Eneida Desiree Salgado

Despite advances in recognition of women’s rights, they are still victims of everyday violence. National and international regulations on gender equality and the promotion of female political participation had a low impact on the underrepresentation of this minority. Law produced without a share of citizenship lacks democratic legitimacy. Mexico and Brazil have a similar history of excluding women from the public sphere, but they currently have different strategies to overcome this democratic deficit. The article, with a descriptive methodology, presents the history and the present situation in both countries. We conclude that there are different ways to increase the representation of women in politics, but parity is a demand for justice.


2015 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 83 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tetiana Kostiuchenko ◽  
Tamara Martsenyuk ◽  
Svitlana Oksamytna

<p class="EW-abstract"><strong>Abstract:</strong> Post-communist countries undergoing social transformations in the last twenty years needed to implement political and economic reforms. Changes also had to support the principles of equality in the access to power, specifically gender quotas in executive and legislative branches of government and within political parties. The events in Ukraine and Georgia in 2004-2005 known as the “colour revolutions” gave impulse to the promotion of equality and implementation of reforms. However, the number of women participating in national politics in both countries remains low. This paper proposes an analysis of gender equality principles during the parliamentary election campaigns in Ukraine and Georgia in 2012 from the perspective of women’s participation in politics and their self-representation as politicians. This empirical study covers public attitudes towards women in politics and examines networks of female parliamentarians. The findings raise hopes for better representation of women in politics as female politicians promote them from the top down, and mass public perception of gender equality principles set the ground for bottom-up activism.  <strong></strong></p><p class="EW-Keyword">Keywords: Gender Equality, Women Politicians, Public Attitudes, Social Network Analysis (SNA)</p>


2015 ◽  
Vol 20 (1) ◽  
pp. 95 ◽  
Author(s):  
Peta Spender

This article examines whether Australia should introduce a gender quota on ASX 200 boards. Although existing institutional arrangements favour voluntary initiatives, Australia may be at a critical juncture where two factors — the public, pragmatic nature of the statutory regulation of corporations in Australia and the current salience of gender as a political issue —may favour the introduction of a quota. In particular, Australian policy-makers may be amenable to change by observing initiatives from other jurisdictions. It is argued that we should maintain a healthy scepticism about functionalist arguments such as the business case for women on boards. Rather, we should invoke enduring justifications such as equality, parity and democratic legitimacy to support a quota. The optimal design of an Australian gender board quota will be also be explored.


2019 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 52-62
Author(s):  
Jhesenia Sacoto Loor ◽  
Mercedes Osuna Rodríguez

La representatividad de las mujeres en las instituciones de Educación Superior subyace en los logros de los movimientos feministas durante los años 70 por la participación de las mujeres en el ámbito público. El presente estudio analiza la representatividad de las mujeres docentes, con una muestra de 341 mujeres docentes, cuya información fue obtenida del Sistema Integrado de Información de Talento Humano, que participan en varias funciones de cogobierno y direcciones departamentales administrativas y académicas de la Universidad Laica Eloy Alfaro de Manabí (ULEAM). Los resultados muestran que a pesar de que existen normativas que garantizan la igualdad de género en la práctica no se cumple, pues la representatividad de la mujer en la ULEAM es del 9.3% de acuerdo a la población de mujeres docentes (341). Se recomienda indagar en los factores que impiden la aplicación efectiva de la política pública e interna de la institución respecto a representatividad y principio de igualdad de género. The representativeness of women in higher education institutions underlies the achievements of feminist movements during the 70s by the participation of women in the public sphere. The present study analyzes the representation of women teachers, with a sample of 341 women teachers, whose information was obtained from the Integrated Human Talent Information System, participating in various co-government functions and administrative and academic departmental directions of the University Laica Eloy Alfaro de Manabí (ULEAM). The results show that although there are regulations that guarantee gender equality in practice, it is not fulfilled, since the representativeness of women in ULEAM is 9.3% according to the population of women teachers (341). It is recommended to investigate the factors that impede the effective application of the public and internal policy of the institution regarding representativeness and the principle of gender equality.


Politik ◽  
2010 ◽  
Vol 13 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Helene Pristed Nielsen

Taking its theoretical starting point in the feminist criticism of Habermas ́ conception of the public sphere, the article illustrates on the basis of empirical material how 14 Danish opinion-makers talk about gender equality and cultural diversity. The statements by prominent members of Danish political parties, think tanks, social movements and editorial boards of national dailies are analysed in an intersectional perspective, which seeks to illuminate different conceptions of cross-cutting forms of diversity within Danish society. The conclusion is that gender equality is often voiced as both a Danish and a European value, whereas there are ambiguous statements about to what extent there is a connection between gender equality and perceptions of Islam as either a religion or a culture. 


Author(s):  
Dr. Sher Muhammad ◽  
Dr. Muhammad Waris Awan ◽  
Misbah Hussain

This paper intends to explore the “backlash“   impact of gender equality policies such as gender quotas in the shape of the resistance, provoked by male parliamentarians against their female colleagues. Such resistance exists in different shapes, such as sexist remarks, intimidation, or harassment. It is important to understand the nature and the motive behind such violence, and the effect of this violence on the performance of women legislators. The study is primarily based on semi-structured interviews with 15 female members of the National Assembly of Pakistan. It is evident from the findings of the paper that patriarchy, socio-economic structures, and the political power configurations are key elements that lead to this type of violence and it is not peculiar to only women elected on reserved seats.


Author(s):  
Will Kymlicka ◽  
Ruth Rubio-Marín

This chapter identifies two parallel ‘participatory turns’ in the pursuit of gender equality. At the state level, this participatory turn is best epitomized by the global adoption of gender quotas to promote gender equality and democratic legitimacy. At the level of minority groups, multicultural feminists have proposed institutional innovations to strengthen the voice of women within minority groups in decisions about the interpretation and evolution of cultural and religious practices. These two trends have largely occurred in isolation from each other, with little academic or political attention to how they might enrich or conflict with each other. This chapter introduces these two fields of academic debate and political practice, and lays out a range of questions about how they might be connected, which the following chapters explore. The chapter concludes with summaries of the remaining chapters.


2018 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 273-284
Author(s):  
Néstor García Canclini

Abstract Ever since the expansion of video-politics, television canalises citizens' criticism and demands regarding political authorities, conceiving of citizens as spectators. Social networks magnify this type of involvement, promising horizontality and social cohesion. Political parties have become reduced to elites that distribute power and benefits among themselves, disengaging from voters, except during electoral periods. Our opinions and behaviours are captured by algorithms and subject to globalised forces. The public space where citizenship should be exercised is becoming opaque and distant. Citizenship is radically diminishing while some social movements are reinventing themselves and winning sectorial battles: for human rights, for gender equality, against authoritarianism. Yet the neoliberal approach to technology maintains and deepens greater inequalities. What are the alternatives to this dispossession? Hackers and dissenters? What is the role of the vote in a State-society relationship reprogrammed by technologies and the market?


2019 ◽  

This conference transcript collects the lectures given at the interdisciplinary conference on gender equality and democracy, which took place in Hamburg in December 2017. The book addresses the issue of gender quotas for parliaments, elected committees in public administration and federal courts. While Germany celebrates the 100th anniversary of women's suffrage in 2018/19, women are still underrepresented at top level positions in politics. The current political debate seeks effective options to increase the representation of women. Binding quotas promise a solution and promote the constitutional and international legal goal of gender equality. However, legal quotas for public elections affect the principle of democracy. The contributions in this book shed light on the relationship between the principle of democracy and gender equality, and present different approaches for a more thorough understanding of democratic representation and legitimacy. With contributions by Sigrid Boysen, Brun-Otto Bryde, Pascale Cancik, Silke R. Laskowski, Ulrike Lembke, Anna Katharina Mangold, Hans-Jürgen Papier, Stephan Rixen, Gary S. Schaal, Astrid Wallrabenstein, Joachim Wieland


2015 ◽  
Vol 14 (2) ◽  
pp. 254
Author(s):  
Jumni Nelli

The involvement of women in politics is important, because women have special needs that can only be understood best by the women themselves. If the women's problems is entrusted to the representatives who do not have the perspective of a female problem, it is almost certain that the policy issued is not sensitive to women's issues. Currently the representation of women is still low, not least in the province of Riau. But the low or lack of women's representation in the legislative agenda does not mean the strengthening of gender equality or gender mainstreaming (PUG) neglected. Interesting traced the existence of women legislators in Riau Province area totaling 18 people from 65 people to the Province, seven women sitting in Pekanbaru, and six women in Kampar truly representative of women in the province of Riau. The study concluded Women legislators in Riau Province is very sensitive and understand the problems and issues of gender/women, but because there is still minimal cause many obstacles encountered in achieving gender equality.


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