Remarks by Jorge Kamine

2020 ◽  
Vol 114 ◽  
pp. 332-334
Author(s):  
Jorge Kamine

If we focus on the past sixty years, which coincides with the founding of the Inter-American Development Bank (IADB), we can unequivocally say that there have been a number of notable and successful examples of “multilateralism” in Latin America in the context of economic development and integration. This assumes we define “multilateralism” broadly as groups of countries in Latin America (1) cooperating or participating in institutions, organizations, and initiatives that include more than two countries; (2) which include among their goals or objectives the advancement of economic development or economic integration in the region; and (3) which have produced or resulted in some economic outcome or benefit for the participating countries that we generally believe could not have been achieved by one country alone. While this definition may not perfectly follow John Ruggie's definition, my formulation of the definition of “multilateralism” ensures that we do not overlook or discount important examples of institutions formed by Latin American states and other states that are based on principles to address issues of common concern, namely economic development in the region. The advances and benefits that have been achieved through these institutions have been significant even if the more ambitious (and perhaps more aspirational) goals over the years of certain Latin American political leaders of a broader inter-American political and economic integration modeled on the European Union or even the narrower (but also ambitious) goal of projects focused on economic integration, like the Free Trade Agreement of the Americas (FTAA), have not been fully achieved. Based on the definition that I have proposed of “multilateralism” with its focus on economic development, I would highlight some common features of the examples and cases where we have seen successful multilateralism and common features of the challenges that have been encountered in advancing multilateralist projects.

Author(s):  
Rachel Aguiar Estevam do Carmo

O presente artigo aborda a noção hegemonia dissociada como forma de entender o projeto ideológico da Comissão Econômica para América Latina (CEPAL) nos anos de 1950 a 1960. Entende-se que a CEPAL contribuiu para a construção do pensamento moderno na América Latina ao incentivar a formação de novos pesquisadores e na construção da Teoria do Subdesenvolvimento, corrente teórica que rompe com os escritos advindos das Nações Unidas e que procura explicar a realidade latino-americana a partir de dentro, focando na saída da condição subdesenvolvida por meio da ampliação e construção do parque industrial. Utilizamos os escritos gramscianos para compreender esse momento hegemônico de reorganização dos Estados latino-americanos em que a CEPAL serviu para dar suporte no projeto de desenvolvimento econômico voltado para a supressão da condição de subdesenvolvimento e também como manifestação que se dissocia dos preceitos das Nações Unidas da qual a CEPAL estava subordinada teoricamente. Nesse sentido, o termo hegemonia dissociada ajuda a realocar o papel da CEPAL nos anos de 1950 e 1960 como a luz capaz de levar a modernidade para a periferia do capitalismo.Palavras-chave: Hegemonia Dissociada; CEPAL; Desenvolvimento Econômico. THE DISSOCIATED HEGEMONY AND THE IDEOLOGICAL ROLE OF CEPAL IN THE YEARS 1950 TO 1960AbstractThis article addresses the concept of dissociated hegemony as un way of understanding the ideological project of the Economic Commission for Latin America (CEPAL) in the years 1950 to 1960. It is understood that CEPAL contributed to the construction of modern thinking in Latin America by encouraging formation of new researchers and the construction of the Theory of Underdevelopment, a theoretical current that breaks with the writings of the United Nations and seeks to explain the Latin American reality from within focusing on the way out of the underdeveloped condition through the expansion and construction of the industrial park. We use the writings of Gramsci to understand this hegemonic moment of reorganization of the Latin American States in which CEPAL served to support the economic development project aimed at suppressing the condition of underdevelopment and also as a manifestation that dissociates itself from the United Nations because of team cepalino to have been subordinate theoretically. In this sense, the term dissociated hegemony helps to reallocate the role of CEPAL in the 1950s and 1960s as the light that capable of bringing modernity to the periphery of capitalism.Keywords: Dissociated Hegemony; CEPAL; Economic Development.


2017 ◽  
pp. 362-381
Author(s):  
Rachel Aguiar Estevam do Carmo

O presente artigo aborda a noção hegemonia dissociada como forma de entender o projeto ideológico da Comissão Econômica para América Latina (CEPAL) nos anos de 1950 a 1960. Entende-se que a CEPAL contribuiu para a construção do pensamento moderno na América Latina ao incentivar a formação de novos pesquisadores e na construção da Teoria do Subdesenvolvimento, corrente teórica que rompe com os escritos advindos das Nações Unidas e que procura explicar a realidade latino-americana a partir de dentro, focando na saída da condição subdesenvolvida por meio da ampliação e construção do parque industrial. Utilizamos os escritos gramscianos para compreender esse momento hegemônico de reorganização dos Estados latino-americanos em que a CEPAL serviu para dar suporte no projeto de desenvolvimento econômico voltado para a supressão da condição de subdesenvolvimento e também como manifestação que se dissocia dos preceitos das Nações Unidas da qual a CEPAL estava subordinada teoricamente. Nesse sentido, o termo hegemonia dissociada ajuda a realocar o papel da CEPAL nos anos de 1950 e 1960 como a luz capaz de levar a modernidade para a periferia do capitalismo.Palavras-chave: Hegemonia Dissociada; CEPAL; Desenvolvimento Econômico. THE DISSOCIATED HEGEMONY AND THE IDEOLOGICAL ROLE OF CEPAL IN THE YEARS 1950 TO 1960AbstractThis article addresses the concept of dissociated hegemony as un way of understanding the ideological project of the Economic Commission for Latin America (CEPAL) in the years 1950 to 1960. It is understood that CEPAL contributed to the construction of modern thinking in Latin America by encouraging formation of new researchers and the construction of the Theory of Underdevelopment, a theoretical current that breaks with the writings of the United Nations and seeks to explain the Latin American reality from within focusing on the way out of the underdeveloped condition through the expansion and construction of the industrial park. We use the writings of Gramsci to understand this hegemonic moment of reorganization of the Latin American States in which CEPAL served to support the economic development project aimed at suppressing the condition of underdevelopment and also as a manifestation that dissociates itself from the United Nations because of team cepalino to have been subordinate theoretically. In this sense, the term dissociated hegemony helps to reallocate the role of CEPAL in the 1950s and 1960s as the light that capable of bringing modernity to the periphery of capitalism.Keywords: Dissociated Hegemony; CEPAL; Economic Development.


1999 ◽  
Vol 31 (1) ◽  
pp. 129-150 ◽  
Author(s):  
MITCHELL A. SELIGSON

Regional economic integration schemes abound in Latin America, yet very little is known about the degree of popular support for such programmes. Now that democratic regimes rule in almost all of Latin America, public opinion can have an important impact on national policies. This paper examines the attitudes toward economic integration in 17 mainland Latin American countries with interview data from over 18,000 people. Bi-variate and multivariate analyses are conducted on the factors related to support for regional integration. Perceived benefits of integration and perceptions of personal and national economic situation prove to be important factors, as are higher levels of education, support for democracy and gender (males favour integration more than females). Two novel findings are that a positive opinion of the European Union along with satisfaction with the functioning of democracy are both linked to greater support for integration.


1985 ◽  
Vol 27 (4) ◽  
pp. 75-94 ◽  
Author(s):  
Francisco E. Thoumi

Differences in the degree of economic development and diversification among members of economic integration systems could easily create obstacles to economic integration, as they tend to have an impact on the distribution of costs and benefits of economic integration processes.There are several reasons why the Least Developed Members (LDMs) within integration movements in Latin America are likely to be losers in the integration processes taking place within the region. First, the economies of these countries are less diversified than those of the more advanced countries. The LDMs have manufacturing sectors which are not well developed and which are concentrated in productive branches which process natural resources. When these countries join an integration movement with countries with more advanced and diversified manufacturing sectors, they would tend to import manufactured goods which are more protected than the natural-resource-based goods which they are likely to export.


2021 ◽  
Vol 10 (5) ◽  
pp. 172
Author(s):  
Spencer P. Chainey ◽  
Gonzalo Croci ◽  
Laura Juliana Rodriguez Forero

Most research that has examined the international variation in homicide levels has focused on structural variables, with the suggestion that socio-economic development operates as a cure for violence. In Latin America, development has occurred, but high homicide levels remain, suggesting the involvement of other influencing factors. We posit that government effectiveness and corruption control may contribute to explaining the variation in homicide levels, and in particular in the Latin America region. Our results show that social and economic structural variables are useful but are not conclusive in explaining the variation in homicide levels and that the relationship between homicide, government effectiveness, and corruption control was significant and highly pronounced for countries in the Latin American region. The findings highlight the importance of supporting institutions in improving their effectiveness in Latin America so that reductions in homicide (and improvements in citizen security in general) can be achieved.


2021 ◽  
Vol 21 (4) ◽  
pp. 785-802
Author(s):  
Alla Yu. Borzova ◽  
Arkadiy A. Eremin ◽  
Natalia V. Ivkina ◽  
Oleg K. Petrovich-Belkin

The article considers cooperation patterns between the European Union (EU) and CELAC (Community of Latin America and the Caribbean) in the context of creatively applying this experience to a broader topic of Russia - Latin America multilevel cooperation. The concept of sustainable development, which implies interaction in accordance with its three main dimensions: environmental, social and economic, is adopted on the global level. The interaction between EU and CELAC contributes to the progress in achieving the goals of sustainable development, where a lot of attention is paid to the green economy, alternative energy, and social aspects, since the environmental aspects constraints are providing the most significant impetus to structural changes in the existing development paradigm. This in return is expected to create a model that ensures economic growth based on a green economy, alternative energy, with greater equality and social inclusiveness. At supranational level in the European Union an effective and systemic policy has been formed in the field of nature conservation and combating climate change, which without a doubt can be considered one of the most progressive ones in the world, which creates potential for sharing these experiences with less developed and fortunate nations. European programs for Latin American and Caribbean (LAC) countries have become an important factor in the development of interregional cooperation in environmental protection, biodiversity conservation, and countering natural disasters. The article also focuses on the most recent changes that have occurred in the sphere of interaction between CELAC and EU in the context of COVID-19 pandemic. Massive structural and conceptual changes that have seriously reshaped the priorities and funding of joint programmers between two organizations reflects new priorities for sustainable development in general when it comes to new world realities in post-pandemic world, and could be useful for Russian model for the relations with this region.


2020 ◽  
pp. 121-128
Author(s):  
Amarilla Kiss

Maritime piracy is an activity that was considered defunct long ago and that Latin American countries experience it again in the 21st century. Since 2016 the number of attacks has increased dramatically involving armed robbery, kidnapping and massacre. Modern day piracy has nothing to do with the romantic illusion of the pirates of the Caribbean, this phenomenon is associated with the governmental, social or economic crisis of a state. When it appears, we can make further conclusions regarding the general conditions of the society in these states. But do these attacks really constitute piracy under international law? Does Latin American piracy have unique features that are different from piracy in the rest of the world? The study attempts to answer the questions why piracy matters in Latin America and how it relates to drug trafficking and terrorism. Apart from that, the study presents a legal aspect comparing the regulation of international law to domestic law, especially to the national law of Latin American states.


2016 ◽  
Vol 60 (4) ◽  
pp. 48-60
Author(s):  
L. Klochkovsky

There are substantial changes in the evolution of world economy and world economic relations. The growth rates of international trade have diminished two-fold, the prices for oil and other commodities have fallen, and the competition on world markets has sharpened greatly. These new trends complicate fundamentally external conditions for the economic development of peripheral regions, especially Latin America. Latin American countries have reached a phase of considerable economic deceleration. Under these circumstances, there is an urgent need for reconsideration of key conclusions made by some Russian experts on the possibilities of the future economic and social growth of Latin America. The author examines the most discussed aspects of the Latin American modern economic situation – the deepening technological gap and slow rates of technological progress, the limited role of internal economic motive forces, the conservation of foreign economic dependence. The future of Latin America’s economic development is uncertain in many respects and will depend greatly on foreign economic conditions. The new world balance opened important additional possibilities for Latin America on world markets. China has converted into the second largest economic partner of the region. But there is a number of complicated problems in their relations that need an urgent regulation. At the same time, the strategic task for Latin America consists in finding of effective ways for further broadening of economic relations with the United States in terms of equality and mutual benefit.


2021 ◽  
pp. 019251212110364
Author(s):  
Carsten-Andreas Schulz ◽  
Laura Levick

Latin American states have long been active participants in multilateral treaty making. However, the rich history of Latin American legal activism contrasts with debates about the degree to which these states commit to international agreements. We probe the existence of this purported ‘commitment gap’ by analyzing the signing and ratification of multilateral treaties. Are Latin American states less likely to ratify agreements they have signed than states from other world regions? Using survival analysis of an original dataset on multilateral treaties deposited with the UN Secretary-General, we find no difference between Latin America and North America/Europe in terms of ratification. If a commitment gap exists, it appears to be more evident in other regions, particularly East Asia, Africa, and the Anglo-Caribbean. To the extent that there is a ‘commitment gap’ at the regional level in Latin America, it is unlikely to be due to country-level factors such as domestic institutions.


Author(s):  
Pablo Palomino

This chapter shows the emergence of a regional sense of Latin America as part of the musical pedagogy of the nationalist states at the peak of the state-building efforts to organize, through a variety of instruments of cultural activism, what at the time were called “the masses.” It analyzes particularly the cases of Brazil, Mexico, and Argentina—the three largest countries of the time in population and economic development—from the 1910s through the 1950s. It proposes a comparative history of Latin American musical populisms, focusing in particular on policies of music education, broadcasting, censorship, and experiences of state-sponsored collective singing.


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