The Journal of V. N. Karazin Kharkiv National University. Series: History
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Published By V. N. Karazin Kharkiv National University

2220-7929

The article examines the formation of the legal framework for the protection of monuments and landmarks in Soviet Ukraine in 1919–1926. The evolution of the approaches to preserving the heritage of the past during this period is outlined. Two phases in the development of this branch of legislation are distinguished: before and after 1922. During the first phase, representatives of the Bolshevik regime responsible for cultural policy paid very little attention to preservation. Crisis in the sphere of protection of historical and cultural heritage became especially noticeable during the campaign to confiscate church valuables (1922). During this period, monument preservation activities were regulated by legislation originating in Soviet Russia. The reception of Russian regulatory acts in the Soviet republics, including the Ukrainian SSR, usually took place with a lag and in the absence of clear implementation mechanisms. Special republican legislation first appeared in the area of protection of museum property and archival collections. After the transition to the policy of “indigenization” in Soviet Ukraine, local peculiarities in the sphere of monument preservation gradually emerged. The outcome of this process was the adoption of the regulation “On Cultural and Natural Heritage” (June 16, 1926). The article focuses in particular on funding issues, classification of monuments, and active public participation, which can be viewed as the republican specifics of Soviet Ukraine. It is noted that after the formation of regional inspectorates and committees for preservation of cultural and natural heritage in 1926, we can speak of a parallel existence of state and public heritage preservation bodies. The author concludes that the process of the formation of the legal framework for preservation of historical and cultural heritage in the USSR during 1919–1926 was not linear. The introduction of special republican norms regulating preservation activities became possible thanks to the experience and efforts of the republic’s professionals in the field.


The article studies the development of the Kharkiv medical infrastructure after the Second World War. The author argues that war destructions caused the disruption of medical network zoning as well as equal access of residents from different Kharkiv districts to health care, shortage of hospitals’ spaces, and difficulties in further modernization of medical facilities. Despite the intensive construction of hospitals since the 1960s, the situation had not changed significantly due to population growth and rapid industrial and housing construction that outstripped the medical infrastructure development. The article provides evidence that the main contributor to technological renovation of Kharkiv healthcare system were the local industrial enterprises. In the period of 1970-80s, the policy in development of medical infrastructure made an important turn: the local Communist Party executives had realized the need for advanced planning of the health care development in the city and oblast with the implementation of the best domestic and world experience. The priorities of the long-term development plan of the health facilities in Kharkiv were the creation of the ambulance system, large multi-profile medical complex, specialization, and proximity of the outpatient and polyclinic care to the population. Studying the history of plan development and implementation is vital for an understanding of the degree of freedom in actions of local authorities on the background of centralization and the Communist Party control in the late USSR. On the one hand, the history of the post-war Kharkiv medical infrastructure confirms the typical for large Soviet cities lagging of services behind industry and housing development. At the same time, the implementation of the long-term plan for the health care system development led to the creation of the integral, available, and modern healthcare system that is naturally included in the spatial configuration of Kharkiv.


The article is devoted to the analysis of POS materials as a tool for shaping the visions of Kharkiv in the second half of the 20th – the early 21st century. The primary sources are Soviet and modern envelopes, stamps and coins dedicated to Kharkiv. It was found that in the Soviet times, several key images of the city were shown by means of the visual culture: industrial and theatrical images of Kharkiv together with Kharkiv as a university city. Such architectural structures and monuments as the main building of O. M. Horkiy Kharkiv State University, T. G. Shevchenko monument, the South Railway Station and the Railway Station, etc. tended to appear on the soviet envelopes, stamps and coins. At the present stage the images of the city are being transformed in some ways on the envelopes, stamps and coins, in contrast to the Soviet visions which remained unchanged for decades. Above all, Kharkiv is losing its image of a large industrial city due to the economic crisis which has caused a significant decline in the capacity of the plants in the city. Today, the dominating images on the envelopes, stamps and coins give us an idea of Kharkiv as one of the largest educational and tourist centers in Eastern Ukraine. Especially, one of the main business cards of Kharkiv on coins, envelopes and stamps are Assumption, Annunciation, Intercession Cathedrals, Derzhprom (the House of State Industry), the fountain «Mirror Stream». An analysis that was aimed to measure the dynamic of the appearance of the envelopes, stamps and coins dedicated to Kharkiv self-presentation showed that the increase in the image numbers is associated with the anniversary celebrations. During the Soviet period, in particular, 1954, which was the year of the 300th anniversary of Kharkiv, became such a date. At the present stage, the sharp increase in the appearance of coins, stamps and envelopes happened in 2004 as it was the celebration of the 200th anniversary of Kharkiv National University and the 350th anniversary of Kharkiv.


The article explored the impact of urban infrastructure on the social space of Kharkov in the late 19th – early 20th centuries. Kharkiv municipality began to implement large-scale infrastructure projects that contributed to solving urgent sanitary-epidemiological and social problems from the 1870s. The first significant technological component of the infrastructure was water supply. Telephone communications, electric lighting, sewage, horse and electric trams started to function in Kharkiv at that time. Networks of medical, educational and cultural institutions were widely developed. The publication clarified the role of certain actors in the creation and maintenance of infrastructure elements. In particular, thanks to Kharkiv municipality declared the basics of collective safety, occupational health, social ecology and formed communicative relations of infrastructure institutions with consumers. Attention is also focused on the role of Kharkiv philanthropic organizations and expert groups, which contributed to the awareness of citizens of such an ethical principle as social responsibility. In the article considered changes in the material substrate of the social space of Kharkiv. It is noted that although the center of the city was the zone of “prestige”, however, the localization of the components of the city infrastructure gradually expanded, which became one of the important features of the modernization of the social space of the city. Networks of hospitals and educational institutions covered remote Kharkiv areas. Public transport and stationary trading establishments become part of the everyday practices of residents of the city's environs. It is concluded that the development of infrastructure not only changed the physical appearance of the city, but also transformed social practices and the symbolic coding of social space.


The article deals with the study of massif of memorial plaques that were installed in Kharkiv during the second half of the 20th – beginning of the 21st centuries to commemorate the events of the Second World War. Generic specificity and functional load of memorial plaques as marks of commemoration were characterized. Regulations from local government of different Ukrainian cities (Kharkiv, Khmelnytskyi, Rivne, Zhytomyr) that described installation procedure of memorial plaques were analyzed. The main problems that arise in the Ukrainian cities in the process of creation, accounting and protection of memorial plaques are elucidated. In particular, generally accepted terminological apparatus is lacked, protection status of memorial plaques is unjustified, imperfect aesthetic design is came across. Ukrainian historiography of the studied problem is briefly described. Special attention is focused on the specifics of the process of collecting and systematizing information about memorial plaques in Kharkiv. Principles of selection and analysis of investigated objects were described. There were researched Kharkiv memorial plaques that reflect the memory of the Second World War at the event and biographical levels in the present article. In particular, there were considered next aspects: preparing for war; beginning of hostilities and formation of military units; fright against the enemy in front and rear; the situation of civilians in the occupied territories; liberation of Kharkiv from Nazi invaders; reconstruction of the national economic complex. The database of memorial plaques was analyzed on the chronological, territorial, thematic principles, taking into account the authorship and decoration of small sculptural and architectural forms, was carried out. The specifics of the existence of memorial plaques in the socio-cultural environment of Kharkiv and features of the narrative that they broadcast are concluded.


The author explores the issue of forming the "pantheon" of the most prominent figures in the history of Kharkiv. To this end, Soviet city guides were analyzed. The names found on the guide pages have been recorded in the appropriate database. The author stated the principles of construction of this database and possible interpretations of the obtained results. It contains two fields - "faces" and "mentions". In the first box, those names found on the guide pages were recorded, and in the second box, those ratings that accompany a specific name were recorded. Along with fixing a person's name, a social or professional characteristic (scientist, military, architect, statesman, etc.) was also mentioned. In the "mention" field, depending on the nature of the mention of a person, a coefficient was stated: if the name was mentioned without a rating, it is a factor # 1 (1 point), a combination with such epithets as "known", "prominent" and the like – a factor # 2 (2 points), more or less a detailed characteristic of the activity, first of all from the point of view of impact on the development of the city – factor # 3 (3 points). As a result, it allowed to create a certain hierarchical name system and to separate "TOP-10" of them. In the long run, it will allow you to see a system of names in the dynamics, when some persons will fall out of the list of leaders at certain periods and others will be included in this list. It will also be important to capture changes in terms of increasing or decreasing attention to a particular category of people (social and professional characteristics). In total, more than 650 people were included in the database. The author concluded that in the early 20th century the guides less mentioned statesmen and local administrators, and more of artists, architects, and scientists. Also, the article states that in the late 19th and early 20th centuries the list of "local heroes" in Kharkiv has just begun to form. This can be explained by the absence of some known persons in the TOP-10 list. This is partly due to the fact that the guide genre itself has not yet been completed, and the first guides rather resembled information directories and were thematically imbalanced. Nevertheless, this material can be used in studying the initial stage of assembly of the "Kharkiv Pantheon".


The article explores several key questions of relations between Rus’ and Poland after 1245, in the aftermath of the Romanids’ success in the struggle for their father’s inheritance. Some debated aspects of Danylo Romanovych’s foreign policy and the specifics of relations between Rus’, Poland, Lithuania and the Golden Horde are considered. The author concludes that Russo-Polish relations in this period were maintained with regularity. The Romanids’ convincing victory in the battle of Yaroslav in 1245 resulted in Batu Khan’s recognizing Prince Danylo as his myrnyk (in peace with him). This led to an alliance between Danylo Romanovych and the Hungarian king Béla IV. After that, relations were established with Bolesław V the Chaste. As a result, Bolesław V, Vladislaus of Opole, and Leszek the Black took part in the Czech campaign of Danylo and Vasyl’ko Romanovychs and Lev Danylovych in June-July 1253. It should be noted that the Polish factor played an important role in the coronation of Danylo Romanovych, which was supported by Bolesław V and Siemowit I of Masovia. The legend of “double coronation,” which arose under the influence of M. Miechowski’s misinterpretation of the text of Jan Długosz, where the original date of 1253 was corrected to 1246, is apocryphal. In the author’s view, the probable date of the coronation is the second half of 1253. The Russo-Polish rapprochement resulted in the establishment of Danylo Romanovych’s protection over the Masovian prince Siemowit I, who married Pereyaslava Danylivna. After that, the Romanids together with Siemowit I undertook successful military campaigns against the Yotvingians in the winter of 1248–1249, 1253–1254, and 1254–1255. In an agreement concluded between Danylo Romanovych, Siemowit I, and Burkhard von Hornhausen in late 1254, the Teutonic Order officially recognized the transfer of a third of the lands of the Yotvingians into the possession of the king of Rus’ and prince of Masovia. The Mongolian factor also became important in Russo-Polish relations. Berke Khan sent his experienced general Burundai first against Lithuania, and at the end of 1259 against Poland. As King Danylo was in forced emigration, it was Vasyl’ko Romanovych and Lev Danylovych who had to provide military assistance to the Mongols. In this way, the Mongols were able to forestall the formation of an anti-Mongol coalition and restore control over the possessions of the Romanids themselves. After the return of King Danylo from emigration, a congress was held in Tarnawa in the autumn of 1262, which not only testified to the resolution of the Russo-Polish tensions, but also united the Rus’ and Polish rulers in opposing Mindaugas of Lithuania and the Yotvingians.


The article is devoted to one of the directions of the art of post-modernism - street art, which became widespread in Kharkiv at the turn of the 20th - 21st centuries. This type of modern art quickly won the sympathy of city residents and found its supporters in a large group of young innovative artists (both professionals and amateurs, both individual authors and creative teams) who work in this style. The creation of murals quickly transformed from spontaneous work to managed by the city government, which supported this kind of change in urban decor. Kharkiv street art has come a long way in its formation: from the mysterious inscriptions of Oleg Mitasov to Ukraine’s largest mural depiction of the poet Taras Shevchenko. The article highlights the procedure for creating a mural image. At the turn of the XX-XXI centuries the first mural portraits in Kharkiv were created spontaneously, outside of any general urban development plan. In recent years, first, the city architectural department, and then the Department of Culture of the Kharkiv City Council, took control of such works and such activities became more focused and planned. Artists come to the Department of Urban Planning and Architecture of the Kharkiv City Council with the initiative to create a mural on a particular house and provide its sketch. That is, the artists themselves choose the image that will be created. In order for such an image to be created, it is first necessary to coordinate this issue with the owners of the house on which the image is planned to be placed. At the same time, a problem arises as to who will support the drawing after its creation, because the money for its possible restoration by the city budget is not provided, and some of the murals already need updating. The most characteristic examples of this art in Kharkiv are considered, several of its types are distinguished. It is concluded that, in general, street art positively influenced the appearance of the city, which became more vivid and filled with new meanings and content. It is noted that murals and graffiti perform not only a decorative, but also a cultural and educational role. The main characters of Kharkiv murals are natives of the city and prominent figures who have made a significant contribution to world art, science and literature.


The article analyzes the origins and evolution of the metaphor of “labor dynasty” in the Soviet discourse. In the era of the first five-year plans, the Soviet government made a strong effort to emphasize the elite status of workers. At this time, party officials used a genealogical approach to label “us” and “others.” A person with the status of “hereditary proletarian” was deemed more politically credible. At the turn of the 1930s, “hereditary proletarians” were opposed in public rhetoric to the “workers’ aristocracy” – skilled workers who resisted the regime and negatively influenced the “masses” of new laborers. This term was not used anywhere outside trade union censuses and special works on the history of the structure of the working class in the USSR. Therefore, we may consider this metaphor “dead” (P. Ricker). In the 1930s and the following decades, a secularized cult of the worker’s labor took shape. It had its own pantheon and memorials. Part of this process was the creation of practices for the representation of manual labor as honorable. Appropriate linguistic tools and metaphors emerged to describe the new status of the proletariat, reflecting the spirit of social change. They were recorded in dictionaries. Thus, in the late 1940s, the word “dynasty” is given two meanings in S. Ozhegov’s dictionary, one of which was “workers who consistently pass on from generation to generation their skills and labor traditions.” In this way, semantic innovation took place. The “labor dynasty” metaphor became entrenched during the 1950s to 1980s. It found active use in journalistic discourse. Articles and essays were published on this subject, documentaries were made, theme museums were opened, pan-Union congresses of representatives of labor dynasties were held, etc. The formation and perpetuation of a pattern of labor relations modeled on the family was designed to promote discipline and prevent labor conflicts.


The article examines the campaign of the Soviet totalitarian state against religious confessions in the Kharkiv region in the late 1920s and early 1930s. An overview of the historiography of the problem shows that its coverage in the literature has been insufficient and even fragmentary. The author considers the causes of the Bolsheviks’ vigorous anti-religious offensive amid Stalin’s renewed military-communist assault on the country with the aim to rapidly create a non-religious socialist society. The principal directions and methods of the atheist campaign in the region are identified. “Ministers of religious cults” of all denominations without exception were stripped of voting rights, which in fact turned them into outcasts of Soviet society. Eviction of clergymen and their families from nationalized and municipal housing in the region’s cities and towns was widely practiced, often pushing this category of citizens to the brink of survival. It is shown that the harassment and administrative abuse of clergy by local authorities, often deliberately demeaning clergymen’s human dignity, became a daily occurrence during this period. The article considers the practices of illegally “re-imposing” local taxes and levies on “ministers of religious cults,” setting exorbitant rent rates for them, charging them various fees, forcing them to buy government bonds, arbitrarily extracting from them illegal in-kind payments, and the like. Furthermore, at the turn of the 1930s the State Political Directorate (DPU) significantly stepped up the persecution of groups of clergy and believers belonging to various religious denominations (Russian Orthodox Church, Ukrainian Autokephalian Orthodox Church, Protestant communities, and others). The article shows a sharp reduction in the numbers of clergy in the Kharkiv region in the early 1930s due to the massive anti-religious campaign of the Soviet government, as well as a notable intensification of the state’s control over the activities of this social group.


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