HPS: The Journal of History and Political Science
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Published By York University Libraries

2291-3637

Author(s):  
Chris Fairweather

There has been much debate in the columns of newspapers as to how we should understand the sharing economy, but as yet, much of the debate is largely superficial, garnering little attention in terms of rigorous academic analysis. In this paper, I argue that the rise of the capital-extractive sharing economy model employed by companies like Uber and Airbnb cannot be understood outside of the political-economic context from which it emerges. Drawing on the work of Marxist scholars like David Harvey, I analyze such models through the lens of primitive accumulation, positioning their development as positive evidence of Harvey’s theory that capitalism seeks to colonize new spheres of social life in order to offload the tensions of its own internal conflicts; in this case, labour market insecurity. Further, I argue that the rise of the capital-extractive sharing economy should be recognized as constituting a further entrenchment of the global neoliberal project, particularly as it stands to affect union organizing, force deregulation in favour of free market fundamentals, and further deepen the labour market insecurity from which it rises in the first place.


Author(s):  
Carter Vance

This article investigates the tensions in the writings of Rosa Luxemburg as juxtaposed to her historical contemporaries in light of the debate on reformist Marxism. Primarily, her exchanges with Eduard Bernstein on the question of social revolution and with Vladimir Lenin on the question of nationality are explored. In relating these debates to present day examples of social and protest movements, as well as those for national independence, the article attempts to tease out guidance for Marxist political praxis in the current day. By close reading of the Bernstein-Luxemburg debate, it can be seen that the “reform or revolution” debate is often posited in terms which are inconsistent with those the authors originally meant. The article posits that there is no inherent tension or dichotomous relationship between reforms and revolutionary practice as consistent with the way the terms are normally used today. At the same time, it raises questions about what the practical limits of Marxism as both an analytic framework and a guide to political action are, particularly on the question of nationalism.


Author(s):  
Mario Concordia

While Roman architecture is often generalized as being primarily of Greek influence, there are important periods where other influences can be clearly identified. This paper considers the Etruscan, Greek, and Villanovan influence on Roman religious architecture through an examination of the Temple of Jupiter Optimus Maxmius, also known as the Capitolium, and argues that the temple is ultimately of primarily Etruscan influence.


Author(s):  
Habiba Khaled

In 1986 Joan Scott published “Gender: A Useful Category of Historical Analysis,” an article examining the disconnect between the way in which gender is explored within the scholarship and gender history itself. In her work Scott operationalized gender as a framework. Utilizing Scott's framework, this historiographical analysis explores the question of gender as an analytical tool within the scholarship on 1930s Soviet Russia. Works produced prior to and post Scott's “calling” are categorized based upon a gender-based spectrum. Works are categorized as being: descriptive history exploring women; women’s history; beyond women’s history but short of gender history; and gender history. Situating the scholarship of 1930s Soviet Russia alongside Scott's conception of gender history allows for exploration of the evolution of gender- as an analytical tool utilized in the scholarship. Contrasting Scott's conception with scholars' usage of gender alludes to why gender, as a lens, is often overlooked.


Author(s):  
Lauren Laframboise

French colonial Louisiana has long captured the imaginations of academic and amateur historians alike. However, the histories of French Louisiana and New Orleans have often been analyzed within the canon of American history, overlooking its transnational and transcontinental connections to New France and the French Empire. This paper mobilizes 18th Century court documents from French colonial New Orleans that detail an assault perpetrated by a plantation overseer against enslaved workers. Jacques Charpentier dit le Roy migrated to Louisiana from what is now known as Canada, and was employed as an overseer by plantation owner and Superior Council member Amyault d’Auseville. Charpentier’s violent conduct led to the death of an enslaved man by the name of Brunet, and perpetrated multiple physical and sexual assaults against enslaved women, including Brunet’s wife, Bizao. The d’Auseville vs. Charpentier case not only illustrates the violence of slavery within the French Empire, but also the ways in which class differences were mobilized to entrench racial hierarchies. Above all, the case shows that the institution of slavery was sustained by migrations within the French Empire in North America, and provides concrete evidence of the transnational and transcontinental nature of slaveholding. This paper problematizes historiographical arguments that slavery was ‘less brutal’ in the French Empire by bringing the d’Auseville vs. Charpentier case in conversation with the Codes Noirs and its patriarchal foundations.


Author(s):  
Lily Ieroniawakon Deer

The construction of massive economic-development projects disproportionately impact Indigenous communities in what is now Canada, and is defined by Melissa Checker as environmental racism. This paper explores the imposition process of the St. Lawrence Seaway on the Kanien’kehá:ka community of Caughnawaga, Quebec. The colonial relationship Glen Coulthard describes is used to frame the power dynamics between the state and the community of Caughnawaga in the conception, construction, and compensation phases of the St. Lawrence Seaway. The initial location of the Seaway was on the southern part of the island of Montreal, though shifted on Caughnawaga in future development interests of the city, as uncovered by a draft report completed by Joan Holmes and Associates in 1999. The cabinet conclusions from the Parliament of Canada between 1955 and 1956 discussed concern of legality surrounding the expropriation of reserve land. Ministers declared the legal incongruity could be resolved with amending the St. Lawrence Seaway Authority Act to define the St. Lawrence Seaway Authority as a corporation. The amendment allowed for the Authority to forcibly take lands within Caughnawaga via Section 35 of the Indian Act, removing non-consenting families from their homes. The oral history accounts conducted by Kahnawà:ke community members Stephanie K. Phillips and Dwayne Stacey emphasized the unjust nature of the Seaway. Joan Holmes and Associates confirmed lack of notification of the expropriation to Caughnawaga, often following the actions, and compensation was insufficient when able to compare to private appraisers.


Author(s):  
Chris Allard

This paper examines the relationship between the Government of Canada and First Nations during and after the first seven numbered treaty negotations (1867-1900). During this time, the government viewed First Nations as impediments to economic, political, and social development in western Canada. In order to secure land for newcomers and gain control of the West, the government negotiated treaties and passed legislation to control and assimilate the Aboriginal population (1876 Indian Act). As this paper explains, unjust government actions and broken government promises only made the relationship between First Nations and Canada more contentious during the late 19th century.


Author(s):  
Heena Kapoor

Napoleon Bonaparte turned France into a police state during his reign.[1] However, he did not continue the French Revolution as the French people hoped. The French Revolution brought forth liberty and to do as ones will if it does not harm another.[2] A new document brought by the French Revolution embodying these principles was the French Declaration of Rights of Man and Citizen in 1789.[3] This Declaration stated under article 11 that there was to be a free flow of ideas and opinions in writing and the press.[4] Article 7 outlawed any cruel harsh punishment and arbitrary sentencing.[5] However, Napoleon reversed these fundamental principles of the French Revolution. Writers, the press, along with the French people were subjected to the General police and prefects and were banned from saying anything controversial, against his regime, anything about France’s revolutionary past, and against France’s allies.[6] Arbitrary, cruel punishments, and harsh rules were enacted by Napoleon through the Penal Code in 1810.[7] Napoleon did not continue the French Revolution and reversed it by turning France into a police state and monitored and censored the French people, the press, and writers.


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