Indonesia risks worsening Papuan discontent

Significance The legislation additionally introduces certain changes to the provinces’ governance that ostensibly promise to improve local socio-economic conditions. However, many Papuans say these were made without consultation and do little to address their problems. Impacts The Indonesian government will step up deployment of security personnel to Papua and West Papua. Insurgents will continue to target state infrastructure in the provinces. Jakarta will come under growing external scrutiny over its handling of peaceful protests in the region.

To inform, strategise, collaborate, or compete: what use do lobbyists make of lobby registers?

Governments claim to establish lobbying registers with the intent of giving citizens and the media the opportunity to see who is lobbying whom and for what purpose. This external scrutiny is expected to help prevent undue influence and corruption. Scholars, however, have noted that transparency might also serve internal scrutinizers by providing information to the lobbyists themselves. This study employed a survey of more than 300 interest groups in Ireland to test this alternative to the ‘armchair scrutiniser’ assumption, whereby transparency serves the purpose only of public scrutiny. The analysis found that a small but well-defined group of organizations routinely accesses the website of the Irish lobbying register and ‘consumes’ the information during the advocacy process. Interest-group characteristics, such as group type and material resources, help explain these trends. This study is relevant for scholars interested in the effects of transparency and how the availability of information is linked to lobbying strategies.

The sound of silence: evidence of the continuing under reporting of abuse in care homes

Purpose The purpose of this paper is to present findings from two research projects undertaken between 2015 and 2019 that reveal continued underreporting and sometimes active concealment of abuse in private sector care homes for older people in England. Design/methodology/approach An anonymously completed questionnaire was used among newly appointed staff in 11 newly opened care homes to elicit both quantitative and qualitative data relating to the reporting of occurrences of abuse within the care homes in which they had previously worked. In total, 391 questionnaires in total were returned, 285 of which indicated that respondents had witnessed the perpetration of abuse on at least one occasion. Findings A significant number of respondents indicated their awareness of acts of abuse that had not been reported within the care home(s) in which they had worked, or externally to the appropriate authorities. Some respondents were aware that where occurrences of abuse had been reported within care homes no subsequent action was taken, or that external authorities were not always involved in responses to abuse. A significant number of respondents described strategies that had been used to deter reports of abuse to external agencies and to conceal its occurrence from the statutory regulator and service commissioners. Research limitations/implications Though the research draws upon the experiences of only 285 questionnaire respondents who had witnessed episodes of abuse, data suggest that a significant proportion of abuse in care homes remains unreported. Originality/value The research has revealed experiences of continued underreporting and concealment of abuse among staff in private sector care homes. Findings indicate that a strengthening of incentives and protections extended to the staff who should report abuse are essential, and that changes to current methods of external scrutiny to which care homes are subject are required.

Explaining disappearances as a tool of political terror

Despite the widespread use of disappearances as a central tool of terror in recent decades, little is known about the emergence of the phenomenon or its underlying rationale. We argue that growing international accountability norms, coupled with the improved quality of reporting human rights abuses, paradoxically reshaped the repressive strategies of certain regimes and pushed them to deploy more clandestine and extrajudicial forms of repression, predominantly disappearances. We also explore the timing of disappearances: when a state decides to deploy a particular instrument of terror can greatly benefit our understanding of why it was used. We show that repressive regimes tend to use disappearances in the first period after a coup, taking advantage of the general confusion and opacity to secure strategic benefits and protect the regime from external scrutiny and future accountability. Our findings contribute to the growing literature on human rights and political repression by highlighting an ‘unintended consequence’ of international accountability norms: repressive regimes turn to clandestine crimes.

Riding with the Devils: China’s Role in the Cambodian and Sri Lankan Conflicts

Cambodia and Sri Lanka are two tiny states where China has no major strategic stakes. Yet China has been a key regime ally to both regimes at a critical moment during the alleged genocides of 1975–1979 in Cambodia and of 2009 in Sri Lanka. While the failure of Western interventionist peace-building models has been widely discussed, the patterns and outcomes of Chinese non-intervention have not. How did China’s scrupulous respect for non-intervention affect the alleged genocides? The article supports the viewpoint that Chinese non-interference in both states was built on the notion that the building of an independent nation was a top priority in securing sovereignty, order and unity. Hence, China focused on bilateral military aid and economic development, whilst shielding both governments from external scrutiny and international accountability during and after the alleged genocides. China has since made efforts to address and resolve national conflicts through concerted United Nations (UN) procedures and mechanisms.

The Constructed Truth

Witnesses rarely testify at trial in China and the courts routinely rely on investigative dossiers to determine the guilt or innocence of the defendant. Shielded from external scrutiny, relatively little is known about how these investigative dossiers are constructed and whether they are truly reliable. To understand the construction process for police cases, ethnography, semi-structured interviews and content analysis of the dossiers have been conducted to explore the formation of evidence during the police investigation. This article reveals that the constructed evidence is subject to manipulation and distortion designed to enhance the incrimination of the accused. With a lack of the functional equivalence in defence construction required to challenge the facts presented in these dossiers, the current criminal justice system in China is structurally weak and fails to function as a truth-finding process.

Plea-negotiations, prosecutors and discretion: An argument for legal reform

Unlike the cynicism and accountability concerns applied to the use of discretion by police and judicial officers, prosecutorial discretion in plea-negotiations operates essentially free from external scrutiny or transparency. Globally, there is a scarcity of data and research on plea-negotiations, meaning we do not have the capacity to accurately measure their frequency, the contexts in which agreements are reached or to identify patterns in the types of offenders/offences most commonly involved. Additionally, in almost all Australian jurisdictions, plea-negotiations are not recognised as a legitimate legal process in statute, despite empirical evidence from the legal community suggesting their overtly encouraged and common use. Drawing from research in which 51 Victorian prosecutors were observed engaging in plea-negotiation practices over several months, and 54 interviews were conducted with prosecutors, defence counsel, judicial officers and policy advisors, this article intends to reignite discussions of the nontransparency of plea-negotiations in Australia, including highlighting the need for increased criminological research in this underexamined field. The article contends that all Australian jurisdictions should define plea-negotiations in legislation and record data on how often plea-negotiations occur, similarly to the current process of recording guilty pleas. Without such reform, plea-negotiations will remain nontransparent and misunderstood, as there will be no adequate mechanism to understand or examine how negotiations operate in practice or what their true impacts might be.

Examining the assessment literacy of external examiners

External scrutiny of higher education courses is evident globally, but the use of an external examiner from another institution for the purposes of quality assurance has been a distinguishing feature of UK higher education since the 1830s. However, the changing higher education context has led to mounting criticism of the system and the identification of a number of largely unchallenged assumptions underpinning it. One such assumption is that external examiners are assessment literate. This study evaluates levels of assessment literacy demonstrated within the written reports of external examiners. Findings indicate variable levels of assessment literacy and identify aspects of the concept that require attention. Wider questions concerning the conceptualization and future development of the external examining system are considered.