„Gazeta Polska Bukowiny” jako źródło do badań współczesnej polszczyzny pisanej na Ukrainie

The Magazine Gazeta Polska Bukowiny as a Source for the Study of Contemporary Written Polish in UkraineThis article presents the magazine Gazeta Polska Bukowiny [The Polish Gazette of Bukovina], which has been published in Ukraine since 2007, as a source for the study of contemporary written Polish under the conditions of its contact with other languages in Ukraine. The analysis is set against the background of research on the press of the Polish national minority in the country. The article offers a discussion of the advantages and prospects of the linguistic study of texts published in Gazeta Polska Bukowiny, including the use of the electronic corpus of this periodical as a research tool. The study outlines the characteristics of the magazine (time of publication, structure, topics of texts, their authors, editing) and, in the most general terms, the scope of deviations from the general Polish norm, which can be analysed on the basis of texts written by people of Polish descent. The linguistic specificity of these texts is more precisely illustrated on the example of case forms of nouns which deviate from their normative Polish equivalents. The author considers the potential impact of interference resulting from contact between Polish and Ukrainian and – directly or indirectly – Russian, which functions in Ukraine alongside the official language of the country. „Gazeta Polska Bukowiny” jako źródło do badań współczesnej polszczyzny pisanej na UkrainieCelem publikacji jest przedstawienie „Gazety Polskiej Bukowiny”, ukazującej się od 2007 roku na Ukrainie, jako źródła do badań nad współczesną polszczyzną pisaną w tym kraju w warunkach jej kontaktu z innymi językami. Na tle pokazania stanu badań nad językiem prasy polskiej mniejszości narodowej na Ukrainie omawia się zalety i perspektywy studiów językoznawczych prowadzonych na materiale tekstów „Gazety Polskiej Bukowiny”, w tym także z uwzględnieniem – jako narzędzia badawczego – utworzonego na potrzeby naukowe elektronicznego korpusu tego periodyku. Podaje się charakterystykę gazety (czas wydawania, struktura, zakres tematyczny publikacji, ich autorzy, redakcja) i najogólniej określa się zasięg odstępstw od ogólnopolskiej normy językowej, które można analizować na podstawie tekstów publikacji pisanych przez osoby polskiego pochodzenia. Dokładniej zaś specyfikę językową ilustruje się na przykładzie deklinacyjnych form rzeczownika odbiegających od normatywnych odpowiedników ogólnopolskich. Przytacza się komentarze o możliwych wpływach zewnątrzinterferencyjnych w wyniku kontaktów polszczyzny z językiem ukraińskim i – bezpośrednio lub pośrednio – rosyjskim, który aktywnie funkcjonuje na Ukrainie obok języka państwowego.

Institutional and Legal Mechanisms for Protection of the Rights of Ukrainian Minority in the Warmia and Mazury Region

The research aims at presenting and exploring the mechanisms for protection of the rights of national minorities (based on the example of Ukrainian minority) in the Warmia and Mazury Region of the Republic of Poland. The research hypothesis is based on the statement that in fact the protection of rights of national minorities at the level of the Warmia and Mazury Region could be treated as a model, and thus implemented in other regions in Poland, or even in other countries facing the problems related to the protection of national and ethnic minorities. The main research problems are addressed within the questions: how is Ukrainian minority distributed in the studied region?; What are the state and local government institutions working for national minorities in the studied region of Poland?; What activities do these institutions undertake to ensure equal treatment of national minorities and provision for their rights?; How are these activities assessed by organizations/representatives of the Ukrainian national minority? The leading research method was the institutional and legal one. The research also contained the interviewing method as well as the focus group interview. Obtained results of the study confirmed the research hypothesis. It turned out that the Warmia and Mazury Region has created an effective institutional environment for the development of national minorities, including the Ukrainian one. It was possible thanks to the activity of the only Polish Plenipotentiary of the Marshal for national minorities and also the only National and Ethnic Minorities Committee of the Regional Council in Poland.

Law of Ukraine «On Indigenous Peoples of Ukraine»: declaration of rights and their further implementation»

Keywords: Indigenous peoples, Crimean Tatars, Karaites, Krymchaks, Gagauzpeople, representation, legal status, self-determination, language, culture, traditions,people, identity The article analyses indetail the legal status and certain types of rights as signed to indigenous peoples ofUkraine under the recently adopted Law of Ukraine «On Indigenous Peoples of Ukraine». The criteria of belonging of separate communities to the indigenous peoplesof Ukraine, features of realization by these peoples of their collective rights, and alsorealization by separate representatives of indigenous peoples of their individualrights in the corresponding spheres are defined. The study also defines the characteristicsof the indigenous people, which distinguish this concept from other related concepts,in particular, the concept of national minority. Also, the article, based on theaforementioned Law, determines why only the indigenous peoples of Crimea:Crimean Tatars, Karaites and Krymchaks can be recognized as indigenous peoples ofUkraine, in contrast to the Gagauz people, who currently in Ukraine’s Odessa region.The study also highlights the peculiarities of the representation of indigenous peoplesof Ukraine at the local, national and international levels. A detailed interpretation ofthe provisions of the Law clarifies its role and significance, as well as prospects for theimplementation of its provisions in the future. The specifics of the representation ofindigenous peoples in Ukraine have been studied, in particular through the functioningof separate representative bodies of indigenous peoples, as well as the representationof the aforementioned communities within public authorities and local governments.The process and peculiarities of interaction of the representative bodies of theindigenous peoples of Ukraine with the bodies of state power and local self-governmentin Ukraine are analysed, along with the specifics of the legal status of such bodiesof the indigenous peoples. The publication proves the need for further the legislativeprocess to implement the requirements of the law, as well as the development ofdetailed and transparent mechanisms for such implementation.

Strategic guidelines of ethno-national policy of Ukraine: Political and legal aspects

Problems and unresolved issues in the field of the Ukrainian political nation consolidation and national minorities rights protection are analysed. The normative legal acts regulating ethno-national relations in Ukraine are analysed. The necessity of reforming the ethno-national legislation, elimination of declarative, contradictory and conflicting norms is proved. Threats caused by separatist manifestations are shown. The main values, guidelines and directions of the Ukrainian state ethno-national policy development are determined. The creation of a legal framework for ethnocultural autonomy in Ukraine will contribute to the formation of an effective system of protection of the rights of citizens belonging to national minorities in Ukraine, which will meet international standards in the field of protection of national minorities. , and will allow to approximate the legislation of Ukraine in the field of protection of the rights of national minorities to the EU law. Each national minority will have the right to create its own ethnocultural (extraterritorial) autonomy in order to address the issues of preservation and development of ethnocultural identity without requirements and claims to the state and the state budget. This will eliminate the declarativeness of the relevant legislation, increase the level of self-organization of national minorities, redirect ethno-territorial requirements to ethnocultural, promote harmonization of ethno-national relations and interethnic harmony in Ukraine, consolidation of Ukrainian society into a political nation based on common citizenship

National Human Rights Institutions and Access to Justice for National Minorities in Europe

This article focuses on the role that National Human Rights Institutions play in guaranteeing access to justice for national minorities. Based on the osce hcnm Graz Recommendations on Access to Justice and National Minorities, this study aims at identifying commons issues and good practices by comparing rules and practices concerning minority representation in nhris, nhris’ focus on national minority issues, and nhris’ role in providing access to justice for national minorities. Separate subsections cover collective-groups’ complaints and the relevance of groups during investigations; regional offices; and websites, languages, and online complaints. The conclusion highlights that protecting access to justice for national minorities entails both more ‘focus’ and ‘access’. More focus should be guaranteed by relevant legislation and nhris’ annual reports through separate chapters or sections on minorities. More access includes minority representation in nhris, regional offices, groups’ complaints, multilingual and easy-to-access websites, as well as online tools for complaints.

Polska mniejszość narodowa na Białorusi w okresie BSRR jako czynnik bezpieczeństwa narodowego ZSRR (1945-1985)

The Polish national minority in the USSR, including the BSSR, was viewed from the aspect of state security as an unreliable, subversive element. In this regard, it had to be Sovietized and Russified. In the conditions of the BSSR, there was also a specificity of the solution of the Polish question: first, the Poles were subjected to Sovietization and Byelorussification, and then to Russification. It was not possible to fully implement the plan for Sovietization and depolonization of the region and thus turn the Polish national minority into a Soviet society of power. The cultural and national specificity of the Poles of the BSSR and especially in the Grodno region has been preserved. However, the Soviet legacy in relation to the Polish national minority in independent Belarus has survived, including in the post-Soviet imperial complex “Great Belarus”, a character-istic complex of “small empires” for most of the former Soviet republics.

Minority and Rural Coronavirus Insights Study (MRCIS): The Need for Targeted COVID-19 Vaccination Efforts in Minority Populations (Preprint)

UNSTRUCTURED The purpose of this report is to describe SARS-CoV-2 vaccine interest rates in a racially, geographically, and ethnically diverse study cohort and characterize vaccine interest across a racially, ethnically, and geographically diverse study population. Design: This report describes responses to a survey administered between November 2020 and May 2021 using a community convenience sample through a partnership between the National Minority Quality Forum (NMQF) and Federally Qualified Health Centers (FQHCs) as part of the Minority and Rural Coronavirus Insights Study (MRCIS). Analysis of survey responses from 3,624 participants are provided. Early data from the MRCIS cohort suggest that [SARS-CoV-2 vaccine hesitancy] is more prevalent in Black versus Non-Hispanic Whites survey respondents, and the Hispanic community has positive interest in the vaccine, to a similar degree as Whites. The persistent presence of [vaccine undecided] across different sites and racial/ethnic groups uncovers the need for more public health efforts to influence positive views about vaccination. These findings highlights the urgent need for interventional educational campaigns targeted at populations at risk of low vaccine interest. Focused efforts are needed to combat misinformation and explain vaccine safety and effectiveness to promote its uptake and avoid low inoculation rates. Public health communication must consider differences in population groups, regions, and social determinants of health to fully address vaccine uptake disparities and overcome alleged hesitancy. Key Points -Willingness to receive the SARS CoV-2 varies among minority populations. -[SARS-CoV-2 vaccine hesitancy] is more prevalent in the non-Hispanic Black population than the non-Hispanic White and Hispanic populations. -Public health infrastructure is needed in underserved communities for efficient assessment and targeted communication of public health priorities such as the SARS CoV-2 vaccination.

Remarks on Church Property Restitution in Romania, with Special Focus on the Case of the Székely Mikó College

The Soviet-style dictatorship nationalized church property, primarily educational and social institutions, run by the historical churches of national minorities. After the collapse of this political regime, a quest for restitution began, which raised complex private law issues. Finally, legislation favorable for restitution was created. However, the application of the legislation unchanged in its relevant provisions has two distinct phases: the first one is favorable for restitution. The second phase started after the Romanian accession into the EU, and NATO was less favorable. The external pressure for restitution, based on the rule of law, diminished. The restitution of the national minority church property today is largely perceived as a process conflicting with Romanian national interest. These changes and the complex legal problems raised and misused even by courts are illustrated in the case of Székely Mikó College.

Political Preferences of the Ukrainian National Minority in Poland in the Elections to the European Parliament

The paper describes, interprets, and characterizes the results of elections to the European Parliament in Poland based on the voting behaviour of the Ukrainian national minority. In the article, four European elections 2004, 2009, 2014, and 2019 were considered. The research hypothesizes is that the Ukrainian national minority could have a distinct voting behaviour from their region of permanent living and voted obviously for the representatives of liberal and leftist political forces rather than for far-right and right, or even far-left candidates on the elections to the European Parliament. In the years 2004-2019, an interesting phenomenon could be observed in the elections to the European Parliament in the area of communes inhabited by the Ukrainian population. In the «Ukrainian» municipalities located in the northern part of Poland, where the electorate was rather liberal (Civic Platform) or possibly anti-system (Self-Defence) the election results did not differ from the rest of the regions. This phenomenon was inherent in both the West Pomeranian and Warmia-Masurian voivodships. On the other hand, in the Komańcza commune, which is located in the Subcarpathian voivodship, in which the conservative electorate has been the strongest, the results of the voting in the “Ukrainian” commune were significantly different from other communes of the region. In other words, the results of the elections in Komańcza were much more similar to the results obtained in northern and western Poland than to the results in the South-Eastern Poland. The article concludes that, in general, those municipalities, where the citizens of Ukrainian descent consist at least 10% of the overall population, vote for more liberal parties to the European Parliament. Instead, the support of rightwing political parties like Law and Justice, Kukiz’15, Korvin Confederation as a right-wing parties is much lower. Even during elections to the European Parliament in 2019, Law and Justice, victorious in the rest of the country, evidently had lower support in “Ukrainian” municipalities. The Civic Platform is perceived as a much more moderate party, guaranteeing, in their opinion, representatives of the Ukrainian minority a greater sense of security and comfort of living in the Polish state.

Securing Unity and Reverence: Chinese ontological security across its maritime and frontier disputes

<p>This thesis draws on the Constructivist school of International Relations, applying the theory of ontological security to explain diverging patterns of behaviour by China across its maritime and frontier territorial disputes. Since the establishment of the People’s Republic of China, these patterns have seen China consistently interact with states adjacent to its frontiers to settle disputes peacefully, with occasional instances of conflict. Conversely, in its maritime disputes, though varying in its levels of aggression and cooperation, China has resolutely refused to settle with disputant states. In examining these varying behaviours, it is argued that differences derive from the differing ability of China to secure its national identity between the two types of dispute. Analysing the examples of the Sino-Indian dispute and border war, the Burmese border agreement, and the ongoing South China Sea disputes, periods of conflict and settlement in these disputes are compared to changing manifestations of Chinese national identity. What results is an illustration of frontier border settlement contributing to the security of China’s identity as a unified, pluralistic nation state. The absence of national minority populations in relation to maritime disputes alternatively sees continued interaction in these disputes as securing China’s identity as the superior ‘Central Kingdom’ relative to peripheral South East Asian states, while offering little incentive for settlement. Both types of dispute can be viewed as contributing to the biographical narrative of China’s ‘Century of Humiliation’. This thesis presents a significant departure from existing studies of China’s disputes, predominantly undertaken from a Realist perspective. Additionally, it expands on existing Constructivist literature by demonstrating how national identity can result in a range of behaviours across a range of differing disputes, further validating the emerging ontological security approach within International Relations scholarship.</p>