The problem of disarmament and the attitude of austrian statesmen to it in the 1960s and 1970s

The article is devoted to international security problems in the Second Austrian Republic in the 1960s and 1970s. The aim is to consider the policy of neutral Austria, which was an active struggle for the preservation and strengthening of peace in the international arena and not flight to isolation. The topic's relevance lies in the fact that Austria's leading interests during the period under review were to ensure that all European problems were resolved peacefully and, therefore, nuclear weapons were not placed near its borders. It has been very active in the international arena, based primarily on its own interests, and has supported the solution of such problems as ensuring European security and disarmament. The study is based on the Austrian Government's materials containing resolutions on the cessation of nuclear weapons testing. Austrian politicians recognized the importance of a peaceful solution to this problem. The author pays special attention to the German question. His decision was of great importance for Austria since the country's vital interests demanded that a new hotbed of danger should not arise on its borders in the center of Europe. Until 1966, the Austrian Government had not expressed its attitude to ensuring European security while referencing the country's neutrality. In conclusion, it is noted that Austria, as a neutral country, could not be isolated from the initiatives of the socialist camp countries on security and cooperation at the Pan-European conference in connection with the emerging trends in the second half of the 1960s to defuse tensions.

Reviving Pan-Arabism in Feminist Activism in the Middle East

This essay is a preliminary attempt to explore the potential of a feminist, Pan-Arab ideology in relieving some of the tensions in feminist movement building in the Middle East and North Africa region. In its current formulation, regional feminisms suffer from compounded inefficiencies due to fragmentations in grassroots, civil society organizing; an overreliance on the state and state actors including NGOs and discourses of neoliberal development; and a narrow focus on a human rights approach for feminist action. Nonetheless, the present also offers a number of opportunities that are often omitted in our analysis of these disabling tensions. These include women’s growing salience and their increasing presence in public, political spaces of mobilizing, organizing and resistance, which has facilitated communication and negotiation with and within state apparatuses. Opportunities also exist thanks to the enabling and connective nature of the Internet for the purpose of transnational feminist organizing. Crucially, it is the idea that a single, organized and unified movement will gather more support, and collect greater influence than would be the case if these movements remained in their divided and atomized states. Ultimately, this piece is an exercise of feminist imagination – one that envisions the ways in which a regional feminism can emerge based on an active struggle against patriarchy in all its manifestations.

Youth Perceptions of Voting Participation in the Midst of Catalonia’s Active Struggle for Independence

Focusing on youth attitudes during a time of political upheaval in Catalonia, we study 1,438 high school students, aged 15 to 16, nested within 30 high schools. Using multilevel analyses, we examine their perceptions of the importance of voting across different election types (independence referendum, local, subnational, national, supernational) and intent to vote regularly upon turning 18. Results show a matching effect of perceived voting importance with levels of municipal, Catalan, Spanish, and European identification. Notably, voting importance across different elections also relates to the extent students perceived their social studies teacher as open to debate and the expression of student opinions within the classroom. This study also highlights differences between the importance that students place on voting in a possible independence referendum compared with conventional elections. For example, socioeconomic status and political dialogue with parents are not associated with perceived voting importance concerning the referendum but are with other election types.

LAND QUESTION AS A CONFLICTOGENIC FACTOR DURING THE REVOLUTIONARY EVENTS OF 1917-1921 IN KHARKIV GUBERNIYA

In the proposed article, on the example of the revolutionary events of 1917-1921 in Kharkiv Government, the interconnection between internal political stability and the solution of the land issue is shown. The object of the study is agrarian question as a conflict factor, which made the relations between the authorities and the population of the region more complicated. Having gained the control over the region the opposing governments had to solve not only military but also economic questions. The most difficult problem was to address the agrarian issue, as well as to determine the governments’ share in the total volume of production grown by the peasantry. To solve these problems the political regimes combined repressive actions, methods of encouraging local people’s collaboration, and information warfare. Despite the lack of the Ukrainian national political regimes’ support the agrarian population of Kharkiv Government resisted the «White» and «Red» terror and policy of War Communism. The most common forms of resistance of the peasantry in Kharkiv region were: illegal active struggle (armed uprisings, creation of rebel forces, terrorist acts), illegal passive struggle (desertion, concealment of food, sabotage of duties), legal active struggle (village meetings, peasant conferences) and legal passive struggle (refusal to work in local authorities, unwillingness to join the political party). In summing up authors pointed out that the conflict factors in the region included: the frequent change of the military-political situation, lack of reliable information in the countryside, popularity of Utopian ideas among the masses, food confiscations, terror of the repressive bodies, and spontaneity of the peasant rebellion movement.

The politics of hope in 1970s Britain

This chapter focuses on a period of extremely fruitful aesthetic production for Hines, in terms of the novels and screenplays that followed A Kestrel for a Knave. During the 1970s, Hines’s political energies were directed towards considering the institutions and structures of life at a time of active struggle for workers’ rights. Thus industrial action is evident in his novel First Signs (1972), and the pair of Plays for Today The Price of Coal (1977) looks back at the miners’ strikes of the early 1970s even as it anticipates the catastrophic strike of 1984-5. 1973’s Play for Today Speech Day is an experimental play about the class-related implications of education and the dim prospects for school-leavers, his novel The Gamekeeper (1975) about class injustice in relation to private land-ownership. Tom Kite is an unproduced screenplay about the potential offered by football for a working-class man to escape his origins.

A qualitative study of resilience among asylum seekers from Darfur in Israel

We know more about the experiences of trauma, despair, and abuse of asylum seekers and refugees than we do of their resilience, strength, and active struggle to survive and succeed. This article explores stories narrated by asylum seekers from Darfur, Sudan, currently residing in Israel, to learn about their forms and sources of strength, resilience, and coping mechanisms. In-depth, semi-structured group interviews were conducted in Hebrew and in English with eight single men, aged between the ages 27 and 38, who had lived in Israel for between four and seven years. The interviews were recorded and transcribed, and the data analyzed by analytic induction and constant comparison strategies. Six factors were identified, from the interviewees’ perspective, as contributing to their resilience: cognitive coping strategies, behavioral coping strategies, the ability to work, the ability to study and educate oneself, the support of family and friends, and social and political activism. This study corroborates existing literature by identifying personal strategies and social support as important to resilience of refugees; however, and unlike other studies, we did not find religion as an important factor from our interviewees’ perspective. We have thus expanded the existing literature by identifying the ability to work and the ability to study as important factors contributing to the resilience of refugees.

International order in the ideology of the Knights’ Order of Cross and Sword during the Second World War

During the Second World War The Military Order of the Cross and the Sword combined Catholic moral principles with patriotism in the active struggle for independence. The role of enlarged strategically Poland was peaceful integration of Central Europe. They planned to follow rules of peaceful Catholic international cooperation. Anti- Christian systems of Germany and the USSR and materialistic western countries were not acceptable.