Why neotypification of Lophorina superba (Pennant, 1781) (Aves: Paradisaeidae) is justified—and necessary

We review Irestedt et al.’s (2017) neotypification of the senior species name superba Pennant, 1781 in the bird-of-paradise genus Lophorina in response to Elliott et al. (2020) who challenged the resultant shift in name from the small isolate in New Guinea’s Vogelkop to the widespread species in the island’s central cordillera. In nine male plumage traits which differentiate the two species, six of which had been identified as novel by Irestedt et al., we show that the only two figures of the perished male holotype of superba match the central cordillera species more closely than the Vogelkop. We find as well that not only was the trading of bird-of-paradise skins from the central cordillera to coastal ports in the Vogelkop feasible before European contact, but application of superba to the central cordillera species also promotes nomenclatural stability: the name has been used overwhelmingly at species rank for that widespread form throughout post-19th century media. Re-assessment of Irestedt et al.’s point-by-point justification of neotypification under Article 75.3 of the ICZN (1999) Code establishes, furthermore, that their case meets the requirements of every condition specified in the article; the neotypification is thus valid. Elliott et al.’s alternative to fix superba to the Vogelkop isolate by type locality restriction is not Code-compliant, nor is their evidence for interpreting J.R. Forster as the author of the name. In conclusion, we lay out the correct nomenclature for the taxa of Lophorina under the Code.

No transposition in Harmonic Serialism

This paper presents a Harmonic Serialism analysis of synchronic metathesis, and proposes to eliminate transposition as an atomic operation, instead analysing metathesis as a result of the sequential application of simpler operations. The analysis of phase alternations in Rotuman offers a unified account of metathesis, deletion and umlaut as all undergoing splitting followed by fusion. A non-transposition analysis of multiple metathesis in Kwara'ae shows that a prosodically motivated locality restriction on the splitting domain is crucial in deriving the attested patterns. CC metathesis in Balangao is analysed as fusion followed by splitting. Eliminating transposition has several benefits: (a) it simplifies the inventory of operations in Harmonic Serialism, (b) it correctly predicts the locality restrictions on metathesis patterns with smaller constraint sets and (c) it accounts for the differences observed in the segment types involved in CV(VC) vs. CC metathesis.

The complete empirical picture of MLM and the linearization of morphemes

This chapter presents the representative data set of MLM phenomena which is the base for the theoretical arguments put forth in this book. After giving some general background information about the data set and how it is genetically and areally balanced, the empirical generalizations about (un)attested MLM patterns that can be drawn from this data set are discussed in detail, with a special focus on the positions in the base that are possible and frequent targets for MLM operations. Two main generalizations hold for the MLM patterns in the data set: MLM patterns show a strong edge bias and are far more frequently attested at the right edge of their base than on the left edge. How the locality restriction for MLM follows from the theoretical assumptions about morpheme linearization and especially the assumption of the RecoverableMorphemeOrderCondition proposed in this book is shown in detail.

Multiple long-distance scrambling: Syntax as reflections of processing

This paper argues that, with syntax defined as progressive projection of semantic representations along the left-to-right dimension provided by the sequence of words (Cann, Kempson & Marten 2005), explanations for local and (multiple) nonlocal scrambling of NPs in Japanese and Korean follow from general principles of tree growth, allowing differences between the languages while nevertheless retaining an integrated account of scrambling itself. This formalism is similar to the parsing mechanism of Miyamoto (2002), but goes further in using this as the base grammar formalism, with all concepts of movement replaced by progressive articulation of structural underspecification and tree growth starting from the left periphery. The account extends the analysis of Japanese scrambling of Cann et al. to encompass multiple long-distance scrambling, capturing both the attendant relative locality restriction on the constituents moved, and interaction of this restriction with scope-construal effects. Scope-construal variability is expressible as interaction between individual lexical specifications for the two languages and general constraints on scope construal; and the relative locality constraint on the construal of the expressions involved in multiple long-distance scrambling is an immediate consequence of the general dynamics of the framework. The resulting account extends Hawkins' (2004) program of defining grammars relative to performance considerations.