Domestic and International Constituencies in Military Coups

Available scholarship on civil–military relations literature treats the occurrence of military coups d’état either as a purely domestic affair or a simple outcome of international dynamics. That is, a large body of literature assumes that a military coup d’état takes place on either a domestic or international level. When taken as an exclusively domestic affair, reasons for military coups d’état run the gamut from domestic instability and political corruption, state weakness, economic collapse, and the institutional culture of a military and its desire to protect its corporate interests, to political culture and popular support. Yet, a parallel body of work either reduces coup plotters to the status of proxies of powerful global state actors or assumes that wars, crises, external threats, foreign military training, or peacekeeping missions shape the military decision to seize power. Both perspectives deservedly take the military as the focal point of coups, yet presume either that that military is easily able to dictate a particular course of action to all the remaining domestic actors or is unidirectionally influenced by international actors. A coup d’état, however, must take into account different constituencies within and outside the military for it to take place. At the domestic level various actors, from opposition politicians, media corporations, and labor unions to business associations and “military opinion” itself, need to be taken into account. At the international level, coup plotters may either directly engage in negotiations, bargaining, and dialogue with or try to interpret signals delivered by external state actors. Coup plotters may use military-to-military relations developed by military officer exchanges and joint work in common security and defense organizations such as the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO). Given that they are rational actors, coup-makers know well enough to look for ‘propitious circumstances’ at home and abroad (regional and international) as well as predict resonance between the domestic and international environment. Although military elites are better positioned to use their international network to engage in dialogue and bargaining at the international level, mid-ranking officers also take into consideration the outside dimension. When several domestic pressure groups such as business organizations or ordinary people deem a coup not in their interest or not to be a preferred action at a particular point in time, and show their displeasure by sustained street action, a permissive international environment may not suffice to produce a coup. It is in the context of this brittle coup coalition and in this intimate and fragile appeal to domestic and international audiences that a coup attempt takes place.

Perhubungan Awam, Media Sosial, Etika Kerja Islam Serta Trend Penggunaan Media Sosial di Sektor Awam Kementerian di Malaysia

Media baharu memainkan peranan penting di dalam pembangunan sesebuah negara. Kajian ini menerangkan mengenai perhubungan awam, media sosial, etika kerja Islam serta trend penggunaan media baharu dalam kalangan unit perhubungan awam kementerian-kementerian di Malaysia. Hasil kajian yang menggunakan kaedah analisis kandungan keatas jumlah pengikut Facebook, Twitter dan Instagram Kementerian di Malaysia pada bulan Oktober tahun 2019. Hasil kajian menunjukkan tiga Kementerian yang mempunyai paling ramai pengikut adalah Kementerian Kesihatan, Kementerian Pendidikan, Kementerian Dalam Negeri serta Kementerian Belia dan Sukan. New media plays an important role in the development of a country. This study explores public relations, social media, Islamic work ethics and new media usage trends among public relations units of ministries in Malaysia. The results of the study use content analysis method on the Ministry of Malaysia's Followers Facebook, Twitter and Instagram accounts in October 2019. The results show three Ministries with the most followers are the Ministry of Health, Ministry of Education, Ministry of Domestic Affair and Ministry of Youth and Sports.

The Domestic Impact of International Standards

Regulation is no longer purely a domestic affair. International standards now exist across a broad range of regulatory arenas, touching on issues that may be central to domestic values, such as the regulation of health, safety, and the environment. Although a number of studies have looked at the domestic impact of globalization more generally, few scholars have evaluated the effects of international standards, specifically. This paper investigates that issue, with an empirical focus on agrochemicals. Using original data on changes to US agrochemical regulations between 1996 and 2015, I evaluate whether and how domestic rules have changed in response to international standards. Contrary to common fears, I find little evidence that international standards primarily act as a ceiling, thereby undermining domestic regulations. Instead, international standards seem to serve as focal points, pulling nations toward leniency as well as toward stringency. These findings not only contribute to the broader literature on the domestic effects of globalization, but they also allay concerns that international standards could act as a regulatory cap, encouraging nations to sacrifice caution for economic gain.

Business tourism under apartheid: The historical development of South Africa’s conference industry

Conference tourism as part of MICE tourism has attracted a growing international literature. It is argued existing scholarship is overwhelmingly ‘present-minded’ and that historical issues relating to the conference industry often are overlooked. Using historical documentary sources and industry press, this paper examines the evolution of conference tourism in South Africa from the early 1960s to the period of the country’s democratic transition in 1994. Under apartheid, conference tourism was primarily a domestic affair, lacked professionalism and quality infrastructure in terms of dedicated proposed built conference venues. By 1994 whilst the country’s conference industry did not have any global standard facilities, the planning for such convention centres was in process in the country’s three major cities.

Iraqi Kurdistan Referendum and its Implications

The Kurds in Iraq have won the international community’s trust as they have been part of the solution to the issues facing the region. Dissatisfied with Baghdad and overconfident that the regional countries will not backlash due to the referendum, the KRG proceeded with the referendum for independence in the Kurdistan region including the disputed areas. The KRG decision-makers were vigilant enough to avoid playing the nationalist card and make the case exclusively as a domestic affair. Neither neighboring countries, in which many Kurds are residents, nor the international community supported the referendum. In this article, I would like to bring certain aspects of the Kurdistan Independence Referendum into a better light of appreciation. It will be argued that it is not about the process rather the structure of the international regime of recognition. The international community has opted for the already dysfunctional Iraq.

The Impact of Non-Roman Catholic Observers at Vatican II

Not all accounts of Vatican II, 1962–65, recognize that the 200 carefully selected non-Roman Catholic Observers had a considerable influence on the Council and on its major documents about the Church, Church unity, liturgy, the Jews and religious freedom. Their impact is assessed both by Roman Catholic theologians like Congar and Willebrands and Observers such as Bishop Moorman and Robert McAfee Brown together with comments Karl Barth later made on some of the documents in his discussions with Pope Paul VI and others, including Ratzinger and Rahner in Rome. An attempt is made to explain how the Observers had the influence they did. One conclusion is that they helped the Council evolve from what could have been a purely domestic affair and a rubber-stamping exercise dealing with 70 documents, already prepared by the Curia, and Commissioners appointed by the Pope, into a genuinely ecumenical, deliberative, debating and decision-making council of the worldwide Church.

ASEAN WAY DALAM PERPEKTIF HUKUM INTERNASIONAL

<p align="center"><strong><em>Abstract</em></strong></p><p><em>ASEAN is not free from conflict among its members. For the example is Conflict between gunmen called themselves as representative of Sulu Kingdom with Malaysian policeman, conflict territory surrounding preh vihear temple between Cambodia and Thailand, conflict ambalat between Indonesia-malaysia potentially disturb peace and security of regional. Nothing done by ASEAN as organization which is most responsible to peace and stability at South East Asia Region. This matter caused by ASEAN way followed by ASEAN as conflict Resolution. ASEAN Way claim ASEAN applied non intervention to domestic affair of its member. ASEAN way claim also unanimous vote in decision making. ASEAN way often make ACEAN became contra productive toward existence of ASEAN itself. Constructive intervention or flexible engagement or enhanced interaction is solution offered to enhance ASEAN more advantage for South East Asia Region.</em></p><p><strong><em>Key words: </em></strong><em>ASEAN way, non intervention, constructive intervention</em></p><p align="center"><strong>Abstrak</strong></p><p>ASEAN tidaklah bebas dari konflik antar anggotanya. Sebut saja beberapa waktu yang lalu konflik antara Sekelompok orang bersenjata yag menamakan dirinya perwakilan kerajaan Sulu dengan Pasukan Polisi Diraja Malaysia; konflik perbatasan di sekitar kuil preh vihear antara Kamboja dengan Thailand; Konflik kawasan ambalat antara Indonesia-Malaysia dan lain-lain yang berpotensi mengganggu perdamaian dan keamanan regional. Tidak ada upaya sedikitpun yang dilakukan ASeAN sebagai organisasi yang paling bertanggung jawab terhadap perdamaian keamanan kawasan asia Tenggara. Hal ini diakibatkan oleh ASeAN Way yang merupakan mekanisme penyelesaian snegketa yang dianut oleh ASeAN yang menuntut ASeAN bersikap non intervensi terhadap urusan dalam negeri anggotanya. ASeAN Way juga menuntut pengambilan suara berdasarkan mufakat. Apa yang dianut ASeAN ini terkadang menjadi kontraproduktif terhadap keberadaan ASeAN. Constructive intervention atau yang disebut juga dengan flexible engagement, atau enhanced interaction merupakan solusi yang ditawarkan untuk mendorong agar keberadaan ASeAN menjadi lebih berarti bagi kawasan</p><strong>Kata kunci: </strong>ASeAN Way, Non intervensi, Constructive intervention

KELUARGA BERENCANA DI KALANGAN KELUARGA PESANTREN DALAM MEMBENTUK KELUARGA SAKINAH (STUDI FENOMENOLOGIS DI PONDOK PESANTREN BAHRUL ULUM TAMBAK BERAS JOMBANG)

This research aims to understand the reason of Pesantren Bahrul Ulum family of Tambak Beras Jombang to participate in family planning program, to decide participating in the program and the implication of the program on establishing harmonious family among the pesantren family.The result of this research reveals that the reason of participating family planning program can be classified into several aspects such as health, psychology, economy, religion and education. Nonetheless, health factor is the most dominant factor. To make decision to participate in the program, the family of the pesantren build intensive two-side communication (so-called ”musyawarah”). There are two implications (positive and negative) of famili planning program in relation with establishing harmonious family. One of the positive implication is the understanding that harmonious family may be established if a wife (mother) is not busy with domestic affair due to pregnancy and giving birth many times. As a result, the parents may concern with children’s education.Then, for the negative implication is that health problem affecting to the spouse relationship which tend to be uncomfortable.

The ‘Aringa’ at Massangano

In the nineteenth century the Portuguese government became engaged in a long struggle with the most powerful of the landowning families of the Zambezi—the famous prazo holders. Beginning as a domestic affair brought about by the weakness of the administration, the wars eventually developed into a struggle for the survival of even the vestiges of Portuguese rule on the Zambezi. The Portuguese government mounted nine expeditions before it was finally successful in 1888. The prazo holders, for their part, gathered round them the tribes and families broken up by the wars and by the raids of the Landim and Ngoni, and their resistance became, by the end, a general struggle of the African peoples of the lower Zambezi, not so much for independence, as against any alteration in the way of life of the ‘Rivers’—against westernization. Most of the fighting centred round the stronghold of Massangano at the junction of the Luenha and Zambezi rivers a few miles below Tete. The ‘aringa’ at Massangano was destroyed finally in 1888 but there are still extensive remains of it and of other sites connected with the Zambezi wars. The expedition reported in this paper made a plan of the ‘aringa’ of Massangano and was able to show the continuity in building tradition between the Portuguese ‘fairs’ built in Mashonaland in the seventeenth century, the Swahili east-coast sites and the nineteenth-century building in the Zambezi valley. The expedition was also intended to form some estimate of the potential of the virtually unworked fields of Moçambique archaeology and tradition, and by making two detailed studies to attract other workers to the same area.