Prefixes pre- and pri-: linguistic factors, codification criteria and modern edition of the rule (from materials of the academic description of Russian spelling)

The article is a fragment of the academic description of spelling. It is dedicated to the spelling of words with prefixes pre- and pri-. The assertion that the spelling of the vowel is determined by the correct choice of the prefix pre- or the prefix pri- is disputed. This thesis is true only for those meanings that occur in the stressed position. In other cases the spelling does not reflect the systemic opposition of morphemes, it is historically conditioned. The existing types of description of this spelling problem are compared. Two criteria are used in the description of this spelling: etymological and semantic. The semantic criterion can include different meanings and can refer to a prefix or a word. The expediency of building a rule based on the classification of the meanings of lexems, rather than prefixes, is shown. The restriction on the application of the prefix "check rule" is substantiated, it is determined when the check is allowed only by forms or derivatives of the same word. The reasons for including unchecked prefix meanings in the rule are considered. A version of the rule is proposed that reflects the systemic opposition of prefixes and the historically conditioned spelling that meets the requirements for an academic description.

Acoustic characteristics and placement within vowel space of full schwa in the world’s languages: A survey

Data from about one hundred languages reveal that, in spite of resulting typically from articulatory reduction of peripheral vowels in unstressed position, full schwa may also occur in stressed position in stress languages and in unreduced syllables in languages lacking stress. Formant frequency data reveal that this vowel is mid central, though somewhat shifted to the mid back unrounded area (particularly if long and placed in open syllables and at the edges of words), and exhibits a higher or lower realization depending on the number of mid vowels in the vowel system. In spite of occurring in stressed position, full schwa resembles unstressed schwa in being very short, highly variable and possibly low intensity, which accounts for why it is prone to occur in closed syllables and longer words, and may receive stress only if the remaining vowel nuclei in the word are central and/or short peripheral. Moreover, variability in the F1 and F2 dimensions increases with the number of peripheral mid vowels, which appears to obey symmetry and dispersion principles of vowel space organization.

Positional faithfulness drives laxness alternations in Slovenian

We analyse the distribution of vowel laxness and stress alternations in Slovenian nouns (for example in the nominative and genitive forms of the masculine noun [ˈjɛzik ~ jeˈzika] ‘tongue’), showing that stress shifts away from mid lax vowels in initial syllables. A stress shift of this sort is predicted by positional faithfulness (Beckman 1997). We show that this prediction is correct, contra McCarthy (2007, 2010) and Jesney (2011). The productivity of the pattern is confirmed in a large-scale nonce-word task. Stress shift in Slovenian is a result of the markedness of mid lax vowels and, perhaps counterintuitively, faithfulness to laxness in initial stressed position.

Biblical Hebrew segholates

Most studies agree that the input (i.e. the base) of a segholate paradigm in Biblical Hebrew is prosodically CVCC. However, such an input leads to an analysis that does not comply with universal typology of vowel strength, an analysis where vowel alternation not only affects a strong (stressed) position but also triggered by a (weak) epenthetic vowel. In this paper, we provide an alternative analysis, which postulates the surface singular form as the input of the paradigm and eliminates the unnatural nature of the morphophonology of segholates.

Prosodic independence of affixes in Brazilian Portuguese: an experimental approach

We argue that Brazilian Portuguese (BP) affixes can be divided in (at least) two groups according to their prosodic behavior: true affixes are prosodically integrated to the base, while compositional affixes are considered independent prosodic words. Aiming to find empirical evidence to sustain this distintion, we investigate two questions: (i) Can we find acoustic patterns in derived words to differentiate true and compositional affixes? (ii) Are there psycholinguistic evidence to sustain that these two groups are accessed differently in our lexicon?. In order to answer these questions, we developed two experimental paradigms. The first one is an acoustic analysis which compares duration in syllables and V-V units of derived words. In this experiment, syllables showed increase in duration towards the stressed position for all conditions, while V-V units seem to differentiate the two types of morphological formations. The second one is an eye tracking experiment with lexical decision task to describe fixations, saccades and level of accuracy in derived words and nonce words. Our main results show that compositional words presented longer total time of fixation in the eye tracking analysis and longer and less accurate answers in the lexical decision task, what sustains the hypothesis that the two categories behave differently.

"That" and "This" vs "Tot" and "Etot"

The abstracted article summarizes the author's observations concerning the use of the English demonstrative pronouns this and that. The author focuses on the contradiction between what is prescribed by the language system, and what is accepted by the language community. The contradiction mentioned reveals itself in the tendency of the pronoun that to accept the functions of its counterparts by the oppositions of this – that and it – this / that. The speculations of the author are grounded by the theory of oppositional reduction, the fundamentals of which are shortly described after a brief review of literature devoted to the study of demonstrative pronouns. Next, the author passes to the description of the research procedure, which includes statistical, experimental and analytical components. The author's tools also involve elements of comparative analysis of English and Russian demonstrative pronouns, which was ultimately necessary for the implementation of the didactic task. The author's reasoning is accompanied by text illustrations, from which it follows that the main condition contributing to the reduction of the opposition by proximity is anaphoric reference, which is most often accompanied by the stressed position of the pronoun. In conclusion, the author notes the tendency of the pronoun that to secure the status of a universal demonstrative, capable of representing both this and it. This circumstance constitutes one of the specific features of the English demonstrative pronouns in relation to Russian ones, which, in turn, creates additional problems for Russian learners of English.

Areal-typological complexity of Lithuanian dialects

This article deals with one of the most promising stages in Lithuanian dialectology discussed in the article “Seven stages of Lithuanian dialectology” published in the 2016 issue of the scientific electronic journal “Lietuvių kalba” (‘The Lithuanian Language’) (see Kardelis 2016). I referred to this stage as typological; however, now I think that the best term for this stage is the term areal-typological complexity (arealtypologische Komplexität) which originates from works by Alfred Lameli (2013). The concept of complexity is not associated with the attempt to classify dialects according to different “distinctive features” but rather with an idea, clearly supported by empirical facts that diatopical variation in language is highly complex. A closer look at the context of Lithuanian dialectology research reveals that the concept of complexity is still not discussed thoroughly; while specific studies are practically non-existent. The most general methodological principle which should be applied in carrying out an areal-typological study of the complexity of Lithuanian dialects could be referred to as the principle of offside. This means that studies of Lithuanian dialectology should offside from the conventionally applied research tradition and from: a) the aim to classify dialects typologically; b) all classifications of Lithuanian dialects published up to date; c) distinctive features described in the contemporary classification (as well as earlier classifications); d) the goal to specify the boundaries of dialects and subdialects. The second general theoretical criterion is related to the approach to the linguistic system. Here I rely on the concept of a diasystem introduced into the field of dialectology by Uriel Weinreich (1954; 1974). The whole area of the Lithuanian language together with its diatopical variants may be interpreted as a diasystem of Lithuanian which consists of separate systems. The most suitable, convenient and universal criteria for the analysis of empirical data established by the long-standing theory and practice of research into phonology are the following: 1) the quality of the elements of a vocalism system; 2) the quantity of the elements of a vocalism system; 3) the interrelationship between the quality and quantity of a vocalism system. Since here we are dealing with the Lithuanian language which features a complex prosodic system, we must introduce an additional criterion, i.e. 4) stress. Empirical data for the present study were collected from modern, phonological “grammars of dialects”. This article does not encompass the whole diasystem of the Lithuanian language since it only tackles the area covered by the Aukštaičiai dialect. The main phonological qualities according to which the basic vocalism model of the diasystem of the Aukštaičiai dialect can be described are the following: 1) the system of long vowels in the stressed position; 2) the shift in the level of rise of low vowels; 3) the system of short vowels in the stressed position; 4) automatic qualitative shifts; 5) vowel reduction (three degrees). The basic vocalism model described in accordance with the above criteria rather clearly indicates that the great differentiation of Lithuanian dialects postulated in the works on Lithuanian dialectology only has a phonetic and not a phonological basis and it can only be based on the differences of phonetic features. A phonological approach to the diasystem of the Aukštaičiai dialect of Lithuanian does not reveal any radical or extreme differentiation. In addition, the model also shows another significant regularity. The more features are taken into account, the lower the occurrence of individual, less significant dialectal elements distinguished on the basis of one feature (in comparison to the classification by A. Girdenis and Z. Zinkevičius). This approach thus allows solving the complexity of the puzzle of Lithuanian dialects (or, rather the complexity of the diasystem of the Aukštaičiai dialect of Lithuanian) which is summarised in Figure 10. As the matrix in Figure 9 illustrates, the diasystem of the Aukštaičiai dialect of Lithuanian so far consists of three zones represented in the matrix by three different colours.

Análise acústica e sociolinguística das vogais médias pretônicas faladas em Montanha – ES

Este artigo apresenta uma análise acústica e sociolinguística das vogais médiaspretônicas de Montanha, cidade do extremo-norte do Espírito Santo. Para isso, selecionamos 4 informantes, dois homens e duas mulheres, de duas faixas etárias (18-30 e 31-50 anos). O corpus foi obtido pela apresentação de figuras inseridas na frase-veículo “Digo ______ baixinho”, repetidas cinco vezes por falante. Através do plug-in Akustyk, no programa Praat, extraímos os valores do primeiro e segundo formantes das vogais estudadas. Como resultado,observamos que as vogais médias-baixas de Montanha são mais baixas se comparadas às do Rio de Janeiro, Salvador e Vitória. Em relação à anterioridade/posterioridade, Montanha apresentou vogais anteriores bem mais anteriorizadas e posteriores bem mais posteriorizadas do que a das outras cidades. Quanto à análise sociolinguística, a variável faixa etária foi selecionada, pelo programa GoldVarb X, como a mais significativa na manutenção da vogal média-alta em posição pretônica, sendo a faixa de 18 a 30 anos a maior responsável pela manutenção.********************************************************************Abstract: This article presents acoustic and sociolinguistic descriptions of pre-stressed mid vowels in Montanha, a city at the extreme north of Espírito Santo state. We selected four informants, two men and two women, in two age groups (18-30 and 31-50 years). The corpus was obtained from the presentation of figures inserted into the carrier sentence “Digo ______ baixinho” and repeated five times by speaker. Using the plug-in Akustyk within Praat, we extracted the values of the first and second formants of the vowels. As a result, we noticedthat the medium-high vowels of Montanha are lower compared to those of Rio de Janeiro, Salvador and Vitória. About anteriority/posteriority, Montanha presented anterior vowels much more anteriorized, and posterior vowels much more posteriorized, compared to the other cities. Regarding sociolinguistic analysis, the age variable was selected by GoldVarb X program as the most significant for maintaining the medium-high vowel in pre-stressed position, and the range of 18 to 30 was the most responsible for this maintenance.Keywords: Pre-stressed mid vowels; Linguistic variation; Acoustic analysis; Capixaba dialect

Realizacja samoglasnika /e/ pod naglaskom i u ostalim pozicijama prozodijske reči u makedonskom jeziku. Sondažna istraživanja

Realization of the vowel /e/ in stressed and unstressed positions in the prosodic word in Macedonian. Preliminary studyAccording to the information in "Phonology of the contemporary standard Macedonian language" by I. Sawicka and L. Spasov (1991) realization of the Macedonian middle vowels /e/ and /o/ is higher, for example, than middle Polish or Serbian vowels. It is also believed that the Macedonian stressed vowels are higher than vowels in unstressed position.This article presents the preliminary results of the controls F1 and F2 of the vowel /e/ in various positions within the prosodic word. 120 words were analyzed in which /e/ occurred in the stressed position (40 words), or unstressed (in the first or second syllable before the stress - 40 words, and in the first or second syllable after the stress - 40 words).The results show that the value of F1 and F2 may depend on several factors. The most important among them is the position of the stressed or unstressed syllable. Realization of the stressed vowel /e/ is the highest. Articulation of the vowel /e/ in unstressed syllables is higher before the stress than after the stress. The realization of the vowel /e/ is also influenced by word-initial or final location. The beginning of the word is pronounced faster and stronger, whereas the end of the word - slower and weaker. The realization may depend on whether the syllable is open or closed. In the open syllable at the end of the word, the vowel /e/ is higher than in the closed syllable. Realizacja samogłoski /e/ w pozycji akcentowanej i nieakcentowanej w języku macedońskim. Badania preliminarneZgodnie z informacją zawartą w Fonologii współczesnego standardowego języka macedońskiego autorstwa I. Sawickiej i L. Spasova (1991) realizacja samogłosek średnich /e/ i /o/ jest wyższa od średnich samogłosek polskich czy serbskich. Uważa się również, że macedońskie samogłoski pod akcentem są wyższe od samogłosek w pozycji nieakcentowanej.Artykuł prezentuje sondażowe wyniki pomiarów F1 i F2 samogłoski /e/ w różnych pozycjach. Zanalizowano 120 wyrazów, w których /e/ wystąpiło pod akcentem (40 przykładów) oraz poza akcentem (40 przykładów z /e/ w I lub II sylabie przed akcentem oraz 40 przykładów z /e/ w I lub II sylabie po akcencie).Wyniki badania pokazują, że wysokość F1 i F2 samogłoski /e/ zależy od różnych czynników. Najważniejszy z nich to występowanie samogłoski w sylabie akcentowanej lub nieakcentowanej. Samogłoska /e/ jest wyższa pod akcentem niż poza akcentem. Badania wykazały, że realizacja samogłoski /e/ jest wyższa w sylabach przed akcentem niż po akcencie. Na wysokość samogłoski /e/ może również wpłynąć jej wystąpienie na początku lub na końcu wyrazu. Uważa się, że inicjalna część wyrazu jest wymawiana szybciej i silniej, natomiast część finalna wolniej i słabiej. Realizacja samogłoski może także zależeć od tego, czy występuje ona w sylabie zamkniętej czy otwartej. W wygłosowej sylabie otwartej samogłoska zwykle jest wyższa.

Variation between i and u in weakly-stressed position in Faroese

In this article the author identifies the variation between <em>i </em>and <em>u </em>in weakly-stressed position in Faroese, and especially in morphological endings, as a result of specific changes which have taken place during the development from Old Norse to the modern language. An attempt is made to account for the changes, and it is conjectured that they are for the most part the result of a desire to make the grammatical system simpler and more transparent. Suggestions are also offered about when the changes took place, and where in the Faroes they originated. Attention is drawn to the fact that coalescence between <em>i </em>and <em>u </em>is not limited to a geographically continuous area, and that the innovation cannot therefore have begun in just one place and spread out from there, but must, as far as can be judged, have developed in both the southernmost and northernmost parts of the country. Particular emphasis is placed on showing that the changes occur in stages, and on the fact that the variation can be presented in the form of a scalogram, which indicates it is not arbitrary. Attention is finally directed at the influence the written language and school teaching have on the system which has developed in the language naturally.