On the Epistemological Similarities of Market Liberalism and Standpoint Theory

In this paper, we draw attention to the epistemological assumptions of market liberalism and standpoint theory and argue that they have more in common than previously thought. We show that both traditions draw on a similar epistemological bedrock, specifically relating to the fragmentation of knowledge in society and the fact that some of this knowledge cannot easily be shared between agents. We go on to investigate how market liberals and standpoint theorists argue with recourse to these similar foundations, and sometimes diverge, primarily because of normative pre-commitments. One conclusion we draw from this is that these similarities suggest that market liberals ought to, by their own epistemological lights, be more attentive towards various problems raised by feminist standpoint theorists, and feminist standpoint theorists ought to be more open to various claims made by market liberals.

Putting Neoliberalism in Its Place

Neoliberalism is an ideal subject for intellectual historians. It is an ideological movement that has been both theoretically sophisticated and influential, ensuring that excursions along the highways and byways of neoliberal thought can always be justified practically, as disclosing the ideas that have shaped contemporary politics. There is also no shortage of source material, as the voluble characters who generated neoliberal ideology wrote innumerable books and articles and left behind extensive archival collections that preserve their correspondence, drafts and records of meetings. Furthermore, there is abundant evidence of the collaboration (and tensions) between the key neoliberal thinkers, since they worked together in their long years in the wilderness as members of the Mont Pèlerin Society (MPS), the invitation-only discussion group formed by Friedrich Hayek in 1947 to restate the case for market liberalism, and with various associated think tanks scattered across the globe. Given all this, it is surprising that more historical research hadn't focused on neoliberalism earlier, but the field was largely left clear for philosophers and social scientists until the 2000s. Much of this work was in any case historicist in character, notably the influential lectures of Michel Foucault, delivered in 1979 but only published in French in 2004 and in English in 2008, which scrutinized certain key texts of neoliberal theory some time before other scholars had focused on them. The years around the 2008–9 financial crisis—by a mixture of accident and design—marked the point at which intellectual historians (and social scientists with an interest in the history of ideas) followed Foucault by diving more systematically into tracing the origins and trajectory of neoliberal thought. Much of this research has concentrated on the MPS, although the MPS itself is probably best understood as a useful entry point for exploring several distinct strands of market liberalism that emerged in different places in the 1930s and 1940s before being woven together into a broader transnational movement of ideas in the course of the 1950s and 1960s. In spite of skeptical voices claiming either that “neoliberalism” does not exist, or that if it does exist it is best analyzed as the assertion of class interests rather than as an ideology, this work has cumulatively demonstrated that tracing the history of neoliberal thought is an indispensable exercise if we are to understand how we have reached the present conjuncture.

THE DEPRESSED STATE OF THE RUSSIAN ECONOMY AS A RESULT OF ITS LIBERAL-MARKET REFORM

The article presents an analysis of socio-economic reforms in Russia from the early 90s to the present, based on the concept of market liberalism and the maximum weakening of the role of the state in the economy. The negative result that this has led to in terms of the progressive development of society is shown. This makes it possible to assess the current state of the country's economy as a great Russian depression, similar to that Great Depression of the 30s. A possible alternative to the existing course of market liberalism in the form of the concept of the state planning and market economy and steps that will overcome the depressed state of the Russian economy and ensure its real progressive development, accompanied by a proportional improvement in the quality of life of most Russians.

The European Economic Constitution after the PSPP Judgment: Towards Integrative Liberalism?

This article argues that the PSPP judgment effectively buries the era of financial liberalism, which has dominated the European economic constitution for decades. It raises the curtain on a new political paradigm, which I call “integrative liberalism”. Whereas the financial crisis put financial liberalism under strain, the development since then has been contradictory, torn between state intervention and market liberalism, focused above all on buying time rather than finding a new constitutional equilibrium. Now, together with the measures adopted in response to COVID-19, the PSPP judgment paves the way for profound change. Integrative liberalism is characterized by an overall shift from the market to the state, mitigating the post-crisis insistence on austerity and conditionality. Contrary to the embedded liberalism of the post-war era, integrative liberalism operates in a corrective and reactive mode with a focus on goals and principles, lacking the emphasis on long-term planning. Like every political paradigm, integrative liberalism ushers in a new understanding of the law. It puts the emphasis on context instead of discipline, and it elevates the proportionality principle. If integrative liberalism is to succeed, however, the democratic legitimacy of the Eurosystem and its independence require serious reconsideration.

Agricultural and Fisheries Policy

This chapter analyses select national policy fields, demonstrating increased market liberalism in the Danish agricultural sector and in the fisheries sector. Policies aimed at reducing nitrogen leaching from farmland are shifting from reliance on universal measures to more emphasis on site-specific regulation. An important aim of this more differentiated approach is to reduce compliance costs for farmers. The family farm has traditionally been the bedrock of the Danish farm sector. To maintain its viability, restrictions on farm ownership were in place for decades. Most of these have now been dismantled and opened for new ownership models and injection of capital. Danish organic farming and food policy is distinct as it is actively pursuing a market-driven development by facilitating farm conversion, and importantly, supporting various types of initiatives aimed at increasing the demand for organic food. Danish fisheries policy has evolved into a property rights-based and market-based management system for fisheries. The drivers for introducing more market liberalism have been to maintain the international competitiveness of the two industries, and in the farm sector, a realization that incomes must increasingly be derived from the market in the future.