This Hell upon Earth

This chapter details Salem merchant John B. Williams's frustrated efforts to live up to the legacy of Salem's mercantile culture. Though money was what Williams wanted from Fiji, he valued money not for its purchasing power but as a symbol of his success in business. He hoped that a fortune reaped in Fiji would command respect by demonstrating his superior commercial acumen to the people of Salem, a city renowned for having produced some of the nation's earliest millionaires. The speculations at the heart of American commercial expansion could generate extraordinary returns one day and ruin a person the next. Even if failure was endemic, Williams anguished over the cause of his. He was trapped between two competing cultural values. He believed that self-made wealth would earn him others' esteem, but to exhibit blatant self-interest was despicable. Although Williams never achieved his objective in Fiji, his actions bore consequences for others. More than any other American, Williams influenced the islands' history. Whereas David Whippy sought foremost to protect the foreign enclave at Levuka, Williams belonged to a vast, global economy in which his self-interest constituted one tentacle.

Three Migration Case Studies from the Tula Region

Systematic surveys in the Tula region in southern Hidalgo has revealed a long and diverse history of settlement that included at least three different episodes of migration. Each was quite different in terms of scale and mode of execution, including what appears to have been 1) well-orchestrated mass migrations or colonization of the region by Teotihuacan, 2) small scale migrations involving the appearance of a foreign enclave of possibly mixed Teotihuacan/Zapotec whose members comprised an entire settlement, and 3) uncoordinated multiple migrations of Coyotlatelco traditional peoples, each probably involving small groups from varying areas of origin within a larger region of the same general destination. All three appear to have involved relatively short-distance migration, which we believe was a common practice in Mesoamerica, where knowledge of the destination was a likely "pull" factor that facilitated both multiple and return migration events.

FOREIGN ENCLAVES, INFORMAL SECTOR AND URBAN UNEMPLOYMENT: A THEORETICAL ANALYSIS

We consider a small open Harris-Todaro (1970) economy with a rural foreign enclave and urban informal sector. We introduce consumption-efficiency relation to explain the simultaneous existence of informal sector and urban unemployment. The main objective of this paper is to analyse the effects of removal of subsidy, given to the foreign enclave, on urban unemployment and on domestic factor income. Our results shed light on the debate: whether subsidies should be removed from the agri-export sector.

THE ROLE OF LATE PRE-CONTACT COLONIAL ENCLAVES IN THE DEVELOPMENT OF THE POSTCLASSIC UCAREO VALLEY, MICHOACAN, MEXICO

According to ethnohistoric sources, northeastern Michoacan became incorporated into the eastern frontier of the Tarascan empire during the mid-1400s. At that time, the region was multiethnic in character, with enclaves of foreigners living within communities as well as making up whole communities. Recent investigation in the Ucareo-Zinapecuaro source area uncovered evidence of an earlier foreign enclave consisting of two settlements in the Ucareo Valley whose ceramics are distinct from those of neighboring sites while indistinguishable from those of Epiclassic Huamango in the Acambay region of the Toluca Basin. The implications of these data alongside Ucareo obsidian exploitation and its role in the construction of the Protohistoric Tarascan–Aztec frontier are considered along with the results of preliminary chronometric dating.

Administrative Machinery for Development Planning in Liberia

Although the oldest independent African republic, Liberia ranks among the continent's poorest states,1 despite the existence of a small but prosperous foreign enclave dominated by iron ore and rubber plantation companies. Prior to 1950, even this sector was non-existent, with the exception of the Firestone rubber plantation at Harbel which was started in 1926.