Making of Refugee Policy in UK in the early 2000’s

This article provides a comprehensive overview of Britain’s immigration policy early 2000’s. Britain was once known as a country of ‘zero immigration’ and given that the majority of Britain’s post-war restrictive measures were targeted at non-white immigrants, many scholars contend that Britain’s immigration regime was underpinned by a racialized discourse. In stark contrast to Britain’s past record, the Labour governments of 1997 to 2010 pursued an expansionary economic immigration policy. The chapter builds a narrative of British immigration policy until 2010 and serves to demonstrate the unprecedented shift under the Labour governments in comparison to Britain’s post-war restrictive framing.

Changed by the Dream

Devotion to Prosperity Gospel beliefs and practices assists these Latino immigrants in pursuing the American Dream and helps them adjust to life in America. This chapter highlights the challenges to assimilation for non-white immigrants and explain how these immigrants are engaging in a new form of assimilation. Like European immigrants from previous generations, these Latin American immigrants are planting roots in America and working hard to succeed in this country. But unlike previous immigrants, they are not completely leaving their old land behind to start anew. In a globalized world where international communication is uninterrupted and the transport of goods is simple, immigrants do not have to leave their home countries behind.

The Jungle Like a Sunday at Home: Rafael Uribe Uribe, Miguel Triana, and the Nationalization of the Amazon

This essay analyzes two civilizing elite projects produced in order to incorporate the Putumayo’s population, its history and its territory, to Colombia during the first decade of the 20th century. By proposing a reading of General Rafael Uribe Uribe’s Reducción de Salvajes (1907) and Miguel Triana’s Por el sur de Colombia (1907), Martínez-Pinzón shows how these projects negotiated language and heterogeneity in the southern border province of Putumayo. Alternatively mixing military strategy with an appeal to “science” Uribe Uribe’s “nationalizing strategy” proposed expropriating Putumayo indigenous populations from their language, their land and finally their bodies by way of bringing in white immigrants to dissolve “indigenous blood” through miscegenation. Martínez-Pinzón argues that, in contrast, Triana produces in his travelogue a self-criticizing stance in order to exhibit the ignorant hubris of civilizing creoles that contradictorily saw indigenous cultures as being anti-national at the same time needing their labor for the agro-export economy. Finally, the author contends that Triana’s proposal of constructing an indigenous history of Colombia is a political tactic to legitimize Colombian state control over the Putumayo territory amidst the turn of the century diplomatic tensions and military conflicts over the Amazon.

Identity work by a non-white immigrant business scholar: Autoethnographic vignettes of covering and accenting

How do immigrants with multiple sources of identity deal with the identity tensions that arise from misidentification within the workplace? In order to answer this question, we reposition two under-researched self-presentational identity work strategies – covering and accenting – as particular types of intersectional identity work. Adopting a minoritarian perspective, we apply this framework to an autoethnographic study of a non-white business scholar’s identity work. To the extent that covering and accenting allow the scholar to draw identity resources from non-threatening and widely available social identities, we find that this work enables him to avoid being discredited in the eyes of others. Yet, as a practical response to being misidentified, it also risks reproducing oppressive social structures. We conclude that as ways of doing intersectional identity work, covering and accenting take on heightened significance for non-white immigrants who seek to craft identities at the intersection of several discriminable and stigmatizable categories of difference.

Local Traffic

This chapter surveys the “neighborhood” music of Detroit’s many subcultures in a city based on massive migration for auto industry work: European immigrants (including Polish, Armenian, Greek, Croatian, and others); southern white immigrants, with a focus on country music; and African Americans from the South, bringing jazz, blues, church, and other community musical expressions. Details include the networks and institutions each community built in Detroit, with regional and national connections.

Differential Returns?: Neighborhood Attainment among Hispanic and Non–Hispanic White New Legal Permanent Residents

We use data from the New Immigrant Survey to examine patterns of residential attainment among Hispanic immigrants who recently became legal permanent residents (LPRs) relative to new LPR non–Hispanic white immigrants. We focus on whether these Hispanic and non–Hispanic white immigrants differ in their ability to transform human capital into residential advantage. Our results suggest that the answer depends on the neighborhood attribute in question. When predicting residence in tracts with relatively more non–Hispanic whites, the answer is yes, with evidence in support of the place stratification model of residential attainment. We find that non–Hispanic white immigrants have access to relatively whiter neighborhoods than their Hispanic immigrant counterparts, irrespective of differences in education levels. When assessing Hispanic immigrants’ ability to enter socioeconomically advantaged neighborhoods, however, the differences we observe are mostly accounted for by compositional differences in sociodemographic and acculturation factors. Taken together, our findings suggest that Hispanic immigrants are more similar to their white immigrant counterparts when it comes to converting higher education into higher income neighborhoods than into increased residential integration with whites; although their exposure to more socioeconomically advantaged neighborhoods at all levels of education remains lower than that of their white immigrant counterparts.

Louis Sullivan and the Physiognomic Translation of American Character

Louis Sullivan and the Physiognomic Translation of American Character examines the racial politics of Louis Sullivan's democratic vision for American architecture, as manifest in his interpretations of physiognomic character in people and the built environment and in his reflections on U.S. nationalism. Charles L. Davis II argues that while Sullivan believed that ordinary Americans would produce an indigenous culture reflective of democratic ideals, his assimilationist conception of American citizenship excluded recent white immigrants and resident nonwhite peoples and limited his democratic architecture, as in the case of Kehilath Anshe Ma'ariv Synagogue in Chicago. While Sullivan's ornament for the synagogue expressed Jewish identity in Chicago, its Richardsonian exterior referred to his secular-assimilationist model of national culture. The synagogue's subsequent use as Pilgrim Baptist Church by an African American congregation complicates our understanding of Sullivan's assimilationist political theory and its expression in his architecture.

Light Supremacy vis-à-vis Non-White Immigrants as Racism in the 21st Century: A Question of Color

Racism focuses attention upon African-Americans assumed victimized by Euro-Americans as an outcome of White supremacy. The recent trend in immigration by light-skinned non-White immigrants sustains racism via light supremacy. Distinct from racism per se White supremacy is contingent upon race, racism per light supremacy is contingent upon skin color. Demonstration of light supremacy is referenced in civil litigation and government hate crime statistical data. The most dramatic illustration of light supremacy as racism is referred to as “brown racism.” As suggested by Washington, brown racism is perpetrated by Mestizos, Chinese, Filipinos and South Asians against dark-skinned, persons particularly AfricanAmericans. Considering definition light supremacy is a product of White supremacy attributed to the aftermath of European conquest and/or domination. Lacking acknowledgement of light supremacy as a product of White supremacy will then sustain racism well into the 21st century and beyond if not immediately and effectively challenged by the Sociology academy.

The Affective Politics of the Precariat: Reconsidering Alternative Histories of Grassroots Worker Organising

<p>This article engages with Guy Standing’s arguments about the affective politics of the precariat by reflecting on the conditions that facilitate, as well as constrain, the solidaristic transformation of the precariat. After evaluating Standing’s Polanyian theory of social change based on assumptions about the destructive tendencies of neo-liberal capitalism and a liberal politics of hope, it offers two critical interventions. First, celebrating the solidaristic traditions of the past industrial era erases historical patterns of labour organising that were quite exclusionary for traditional denizens such as women, non-white immigrants and people of colour in the United States. Second, a top-down approach to solidaristic transformation neglects alternative histories of grassroots worker organising around non-work social identities and communities. This historical erasure and neglect overlooks how oppressed and socially devalued workers have sought to challenge the fundamental gap between reality and rhetoric under liberal capitalist democracy, a key predicament for long-standing members of the precariat that persists in today’s global era of pervasive inequality and precarity.</p>