Fenomena dan Faktor Perkawinan Semarga

Traditionally, there are 3 (three) Batak marriage systems, namely; exogamy, endogamy, and electrograms. Based on these three types, clan marriage is a marriage that is prohibited in Batak customs and culture. Semarga is a condition where one individual and another individual has a blood lineage through the father's line. Family marriages carried out by the Batak Mandailing migrant community in Yogyakarta experienced a shift in meaning from the traditional Batak culture, from an exogamous marriage system to an eleutherogamous marriage system that does not recognize any prohibitions as is the case in the exogamous or endogamous marriage system. The article is field research with a qualitative approach. The method of data collection was carried out by field observations and conducting interviews with informants. The primary sources in this paper are the Mandailing Batak people who marry within the same clan. In addition, interview data were also obtained for traditional leaders, religious leaders, intellectuals, and the surrounding community. The results of the study concluded; Factors that affect clan marriages in the Batak Mandailing migrant community are due to love factors, religious factors, economic factors, educational factors, and cultural factors. Family marriages in the Batak Mandailing migrant community are carried out because the migrant Batak Mandailing community does not believe in taboo things that are local wisdom.

Creating “Similar” Others at Transnational Matchmaking Agencies in Japan

This chapter explores the lived experiences of Japanese men at transnational marriage agencies and asks how they came to view Chinese women as marriageable. It focuses on the ways marriage brokers and male clientele at transnational marriage agencies actively worked to reconceptualize these Japanese–Chinese marriages. The participants in these marriages were aware of the stigma attached to Japanese–Chinese marriages and sought to legitimate their own intimate relationships as ordinary marriages between two “similar” people. So while the spouses might come from different cultural, economic, and linguistic backgrounds, male participants in these marriages frequently described their transnational marital relationships as “not that different” from other domestic marriages, as well as other forms of partnerships resulting from matchmaking in Japan. The chapter looks at how male participants frame their own relationship as an “almost” endogamous marriage.

Sanksi Adat pada Larangan Perkawinan Exogami di Desa Pakraman Tenganan Pegringsingan, Desa Tenganan, Kecamatan Manggis, Kabupaten Karangasem, Provinsi Bali

<p><em>Tenganan</em><em> </em><em>Pegrisingan Indigenous Peoples Village, Karangasem, Bali belong to Bali Aga community which is still thick with customary ban on exogamy marriage. Violations of the marriage ban are subject to customary sanctions. Customary sanctions are not only imposed on the bride, but also the parents. Customary sanction on exogamy marriage is motivated by the preservation of tradition and kinship system and balance. In the context of traditional preservation, adat sanctions are used to safeguard, maintain, and preserve endogamy as the most ideal model of marriage. In the context of the kinship system, customary sanctions are used to maintain the purity of lineages in the village. Conversely, in the context of equilibrium, adat sanctions are used for cosmic balance. The impact of adat sanction is exogamy marriage, that is, non-insurrection, does not obtain the welfare of his village, and loses the right of his village. In the context of non-divisiveness, marriage is very closed and limited because its citizens may only engage in endogamous marriage among their own adat folk. In the context of not obtaining the welfare of the village means a violation of endogamy, practically all bridegroom rights including the right to obtain the welfare of his village is lost. In the context of lost rights, all rights are revoked so that the bride has absolutely no rights in his village.</em></p>

PERGESERAN SISTEM PERNIKAHAN ENDOGAMI MASYARAKAT ETNIS BUGIS

<p><em>Endogamy or marriage in family clumps or known as in-marriage is one way to maintain kinship relations in Bugis society. The purpose of this research is to know the development of the endogamous marriage system adopted by Bugis ethnic society to the present. </em><em>This research uses qualitative method</em><em> with fenomenology approach. </em><em>The</em><em> </em><em>subject </em><em>of this </em><em>research</em><em> consisted of six pairs of husband and wife who had mixed ethnic marriages.</em><em> </em><em>The results showed that the contemporary Bugis extended the boundaries of endogamy, from within close and extended families (cousins) to Bugis from the same village, and eventually to ethnic Bugis generally. </em><em>But over the times, technology and time have been able to erode the endogamous marriage system that was originally adopted by the Bugis</em><em> </em><em>ethnic</em><em> </em><em>society</em><em>.</em><em> </em><em>There are several reasons that affect Bugis endogamous marriage system, such as the background of parents who choose to marry different cultures, gender (males who have more influence to determine the spouse), characters and prospective spouse's work.</em></p>

DISPARITY OF THE ARABIC NAME: THE SPOTLIGHT ON CHILDREN OF ENDOGAMOUS AND EXOGAMOUS MARRIAGES AMONG HADRAMI-ARABS IN INDONESIA

This study explores the influence of endogamous marriage (Arab-Arab family) and exogamous (Arab-Javanese family) on the personal name of Hadrami-Arab who living in the Kampong Arab Pasar Kliwon, Surakarta. Endogamous marriage among Hadrami-Arab resulted in identity retention, especially ethnic identity. In contrast, exogamous marriages play a role in generating a hybrid entity that inherits the characteristics of each ethnic parent, including personal name. Utilizing Net Consolidation Data for the First Semester of 2017 – download as of February 23, 2018– managed by the Data and Statistics Division of the Population and Civil Registration Agency of Surakarta, the names of the residents of Pasar Kliwon Subdistrict were classified according to the ethnicities of both parents. The elements in name construction were then identified to formulize the naming system utilizing the socio-onomastics framework. From the analysis, it can be revealed that the endogamous marriage became the dominant marriage as an effort to maintain the lineage of their ancestors, especially the male line (patrilineal). This effort is followed by giving the newborn baby name by adopting the name of his/her father, grandfather’s, or a combination of both. The attachment of surname after the personal name is also a characteristic of children who born from endogamous family. Meanwhile, families from exogamous marriages (Javanese mother and Arab fathers) prefer to name their child with a hybrid name through a combination of naming systems from their cultural background, Arabic-Javanese words and vise versa. The selection of Arabic names by Hadrami-Arabs is emphasized more highlight their ethnic identity, even though it also displays their religious status, Islam.

PANDANGAN HUKUM ISLAM TERHADAP ADAT PERKAWINAN ENDOGAMI MASYARAKAT SADE

Adat is a culture or custom of a particular society inherent and binding to every resident. While marriage is a strong covenant bond (mitsa> qan ghali> zhan) between a man and woman to live together. Endogamy is a mixed marriage within the sphere of kinship it self, whether it be inter ethnic, clan, tribe, or kinship within the kinship. The endogamous marriage done by the traditional Sade Rembitan Central Lombok do it from amongst his immediate family in other words a cognate marriage conducted within the village and is not allowed to marry out. It is done by the Sade – Rembitan society driven by several factors namely, a deeply embedded culture among families, keeping and preserving kinship, to guard property or inheritance, and most embedded in their heads is to inherit parental counsel. There are several types of endogamy marriages performed by the Sade community in general that is, by way of tepedait (meeting), in this case the parents are meeting their children with other families who are still within the family or relatives own. The matchmaking is usually done by both parents who are concerned when the child is young. When the child is matured then the marriage is held. As an attempt to maintain a kinship system closely related to the term merariq mbait kance diriq (endogamy).

Endogamous Marriage Of Jamaah Tarbiyah: A Sociological Study Of The Jamaah Tarbiyah In Salatiga

This article discusses the endogamous marriage of Jamaah Tarbiyah in Salatiga, Central Java based on a sociological perspective. The framework of Bourdiue theory, particularly capital and habitus concept, was applied to analyze the case. Jamaah Tarbiyah was able to force the cadre to get married in endogamous system based on ‘its own capital’. But, when the system was on process sometime it run in coercive way and there was a symbolic violence. As result, the coercive way raised a habitual action (habitus). The habitus resulted a doxa as well as a heterodoxa (counter doxa) when doxa opposed topersonal interest. Dialectic of the habitus, doxa, and hetrodoxa influenced on the member’s social life when endogamous marriage was practiced. DOI: 10.15408/ajis.v17i1.6226