popularity function
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2017 ◽  
Vol 2017 ◽  
pp. 1-10 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mingkai Chen ◽  
Lei Wang ◽  
Jianxin Chen ◽  
Xin Wei

Device-to-device (D2D) communication has been widely studied to improve network performance and considered as a potential technological component for the next generation communication. Considering the diverse users’ demand, Quality of Experience (QoE) is recognized as a new degree of user’s satisfaction for media service transmissions in the wireless communication. Furthermore, we aim at promoting user’s Mean of Score (MOS) value to quantify and analyze user’s QoE in the dynamic cellular networks. In this paper, we explore the heterogeneous media service distribution in D2D communications underlaying cellular networks to improve the total users’ QoE. We propose a novel media service scheme based on different QoE models that jointly solve the massive media content dissemination issue for cellular networks. Moreover, we also investigate the so-called Media Service Adaptive Update Scheme (MSAUS) framework to maximize users’ QoE satisfaction and we derive the popularity and priority function of different media service QoE expression. Then, we further design Media Service Resource Allocation (MSRA) algorithm to schedule limited cellular networks resource, which is based on the popularity function to optimize the total users’ QoE satisfaction and avoid D2D interference. In addition, numerical simulation results indicate that the proposed scheme is more effective in cellular network content delivery, which makes it suitable for various media service propagation.


2015 ◽  
Vol 23 (3) ◽  
pp. 286-296 ◽  
Author(s):  
Laron K Williams ◽  
Mary Stegmaier ◽  
Marc Debus

The popularity function literature has traditionally focused on incumbent government support, even under coalition governments. Here, we shift the focus from the government to the parties. To what extent are German parties held accountable for economic conditions when they hold the Chancellorship, serve in coalition, or sit in opposition? Using Seemingly Unrelated Regression to relax the Constant Economic Vote Restriction, we simultaneously model separate monthly party support functions for the Christian Democrats (CDU/CSU), Social Democrats (SPD), Liberals (FDP), and Greens over the post-unification period. After controlling for temporal dynamics and political factors, we find that economic evaluations have the strongest effect on support for the SPD and CDU/CSU when they hold the Chancellorship, and both of these parties are strongly affected when in opposition. The FDP remains insulated from economic perceptions, despite the party’s emphasis on economic policy. Additionally, economic evaluations do not significantly change support for the Greens as an issue party.


2013 ◽  
Vol 67 (1) ◽  
pp. 16-25 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael S. Lewis-Beck ◽  
Wenfang Tang ◽  
Nicholas F. Martini
Keyword(s):  

2011 ◽  
Vol 50 (2) ◽  
pp. 190-211 ◽  
Author(s):  
PAOLO BELLUCCI ◽  
MICHAEL S. LEWIS-BECK

2006 ◽  
Vol 39 (1) ◽  
pp. 27-51 ◽  
Author(s):  
Geneviève Tellier

Abstract.This study tested if the economic voting hypothesis can explain voters' support for provincial governments. Using pooled time-series data from six provinces, a popularity function was developed and tested. Findings indicate that economic conditions have an effect on provincial government popularity. Voters attribute different responsibilities, however, to different political parties. Left-wing incumbent parties are held to be accountable for unemployment, while centrist and right-wing ruling parties are accountable for public deficits. Results also show that provincial government popularity depreciates over time and is correlated to the federal government's own popularity.Résumé.Cette étude a pour objectif de vérifier si l'hypothèse du vote économique peut expliquer la popularité des gouvernements provinciaux auprès des électeurs. Ainsi, une fonction de popularité est présentée, puis testée à l'aide de séries chronologiques provenant de six provinces canadiennes. Les résultats empiriques obtenus indiquent que la situation économique exerce une influence sur la popularité des gouvernements provinciaux. Toutefois, les électeurs attribuent différentes responsabilités à différents partis politiques. Ainsi, ils tiennent les partis de gauche responsables de la situation de l'emploi et les partis de centre et de droite responsables des déficits publics. De plus, les résultats démontrent que la popularité des gouvernements provinciaux se déprécie avec le temps et est corrélée à la popularité du gouvernement fédéral.


Author(s):  
David Sanders

The article provides a set of contingent forecasts for the forthcoming UK general election. The forecasts are based on popularity function derived from monthly time series data covering the period 1997–2004. On most likely assumptions, the forecasts produce a clear Labour victory in the early summer of 2005, with the Liberal Democrats increasing their vote share by roughly four percentage points.


1996 ◽  
Vol 26 (2) ◽  
pp. 245-258 ◽  
Author(s):  
Richard Nadeau ◽  
Richard G. Niemi ◽  
Timothy Amato

We argue that voters' assessments of party leaders are comparative and prospective rather than individual and retrospective. Therefore, a prospective leadership-comparison evaluation should outperform a leader-approval, retrospective indicator as a determinant of government and party popularity. Using data from 1984–92, a popularity function that includes a variety of economic and political components, and several dependent variables, we test this hypothesis by comparing the performance of a ‘best prime minister’ question and the more usual ‘approval’ questions about party leaders. We find that the former gives consistently better results than the latter.


1995 ◽  
Vol 1 (3) ◽  
pp. 263-271 ◽  
Author(s):  
Reinhard Neck ◽  
Sohbet Karbuz
Keyword(s):  

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