Interdental /s/ in Salvadoran Spanish:

This study provides a systematic account of the occurrence of interdental /s/ in Salvadoran Spanish and explores speakers’ attitudes toward its use. Specifically, it examines the linguistic, social, and stylistic contexts in which this understudied variant occurs, and it describes how the speakers construct meaning through it despite being a stigmatized variant. It was found that this variant is more likely to be observed in syllable-onset position both word-medially and initially. Additionally, it is more likely to be observed in casual style in the youngest and oldest age groups and it is less likely observed in the speech of professionals. There are indications that this variant is associated with an age-grading phenomena, which is also indicative of stable variation. The present work fills an almost a 30+ year old gap left by previous studies that only briefly touched upon this variant.

/l/ variation in american english

We investigated the variation of /l/ in a large speech corpus through forced alignment. The results demonstrated that there is a categorical distinction between dark and light /l/ in American English. /l/ in syllable onset is light, and /l/ in syllable coda is dark. Intervocalic /l/ can be either light or dark, depending on the stress of the vowels. There is a correlation between duration (the rime duration and the duration of /l/) and /l/-darkness for dark /l/, but not for light /l/. Intervocalic dark /l/ is less dark than canonical syllable-coda /l/, but it is always dark, even in very short rimes. Intervocalic light /l/ is less light than canonical syllable-onset /l/, but it is always light. We argue that there are two levels of contrast in /l/ variation. The first level is determined by its affiliation to a single position in the syllable structure, and the second level is determined by its phonetic contexto.

Hyper-articulation effects in Korean glides by heritage language learners

Aims and objectives: Hyper-articulation effects in glide sounds and heritage production are unexplored areas. Thus, this study examines how the Korean glide /we/ is phonetically implemented in hyper-articulated speech by English-speaking heritage learners of Korean. Language-specific fundamental frequency (F0) patterns and methodological issues involving inconsistent data in heritage research are also addressed. Methodology: Korean-American students enrolled in an intermediate-low Korean language course for Korean heritage students at a university in the US read four isolated sentences, once in casual speech and once in hyper-articulated (or clear) speech. They repeated this sequence five times. Data and analysis: The syllable duration of the glide more than doubled and the upward transitional feature of /w/ was significantly expanded with a steeper slope in clear speech compared to casual speech. The expansion of vowel space of /e/ in clear speech was also attested for second formant (F2). Although pitch did not vary between the two speaking styles at syllable onset or vowel midpoint, it exhibited a significant increase at syllable offset in clear speech. The strong intra- and inter-speaker variations frequently observed in heritage language research were not found in this study. Conclusions: The results generally echo the hyper-articulated speech changes observed in native Korean speakers. The pitch pattern outcomes suggest that heritage learners’ enhancement corresponds more to that of their heritage language than their dominant language. Although the data generally supports the idea that heritage learners’ enhancement strategies emulate those of native speakers in terms of exaggerated acoustic features, the same is not true regarding absolute acoustic values; their acoustic values are more exaggerated than native speakers’ in clear speech. Originality and implications: The findings present new hyper-articulation effects regarding glide sounds and an additional enhancement strategy of end-of-syllable pitch raising in hyper-articulated speech. This study also suggests that controlling for confounding population variables mitigates the methodological challenges of heritage language research.

Syllable is a synchronization mechanism that makes human speech possible

Speech is a highly skilled motor activity that shares a core problem with other motor skills: how to reduce the massive degrees of freedom (DOF) to the extent that the central nervous control and learning of complex motor movements become possible. It is hypothesized in this paper that a key solution to the DOF problem is to eliminate most of the temporal degrees of freedom by synchronizing concurrent movements, and that this is done in speech through the syllable—a mechanism that synchronizes consonantal, vocalic and laryngeal gestures. Under this hypothesis, gestures are articulatory movements toward underlying targets; the onsets and offsets of the gestures are synchronized at the syllable edges, although more so at syllable onset than at the offset; and the realization of the synchronization is facilitated by sensorimotor feedback, especially tactile feedback, during consonant closures. This synchronization theory of the syllable also offers a comprehensive account of coarticulation, as it explicates how various coarticulation-related phenomena, including coarticulation resistance, locus, locus equation, diphone etc., are byproducts of syllable formation. It also provides a theoretical basis for understanding how suprasegmental events such as tone, intonation, phonation, etc. are aligned to segmental events in speech. It may also have implications for understanding vocal learning, speech disorders and motor control in general.

The role of consolidation in learning context-dependent phonotactic patterns in speech and digital sequence production

Speakers implicitly learn novel phonotactic patterns by producing strings of syllables. The learning is revealed in their speech errors. First-order patterns, such as “/f/ must be a syllable onset,” can be distinguished from contingent, or second-order, patterns, such as “/f/ must be an onset if the vowel is /a/, but a coda if the vowel is /o/.” A metaanalysis of 19 experiments clearly demonstrated that first-order patterns affect speech errors to a very great extent in a single experimental session, but second-order vowel-contingent patterns only affect errors on the second day of testing, suggesting the need for a consolidation period. Two experiments tested an analogue to these studies involving sequences of button pushes, with fingers as “consonants” and thumbs as “vowels.” The button-push errors revealed two of the key speech-error findings: first-order patterns are learned quickly, but second-order thumb-contingent patterns are only strongly revealed in the errors on the second day of testing. The influence of computational complexity on the implicit learning of phonotactic patterns in speech production may be a general feature of sequence production.

Effects of syllable onset on the timing of pitch accent in Belgrade Serbian

In this paper, I present the results of an acoustic study on Serbian, a pitch-accent language with sonorant-sonorant onset clusters like /mr/ and /ml/. I show that peak timing in falling accents is not affected solely by syllable onset duration, as suggested by the segmental anchoring hypothesis, but rather is determined by an interaction between syllable onset complexity and syllable onset duration, indicating a gestural representation of tone.

Consequences of High Vowel Deletion for Syllabification in Japanese

High vowels in Japanese devoice between two voiceless consonants; recent work has shown that devoiced /u/ in this environment is also variably deleted. This paper investigates the syllabification of consonant clusters resulting from vowel deletion. We consider two competing hypotheses from the literature: (H1) that consonant clusters are parsed tautosyllabically into a complex syllable onset and (H2) that consonant clusters are parsed heterosyllabically, with the consonant preceding the deleted vowel becoming a syllabic consonant. We bring both phonological and phonetic evidence bear on evaluating these hypotheses. The phonological evidence draws on patterns sensitive to syllable structure including pitch accent placement, loanword truncation, hypocoristic formation, and mimetics. The phonetic evidence comes from patterns of temporal stability in articulatory data collected with ElectroMagnetic Articulography. Both types of evidence provide converging support for H2.

The variable prosodic parsings of Nivaĉle glottal stop

This paper establishes the featural and prosodic representations of the Nivaĉle (Mataguayan) glottal stop. On the one hand, it is proposed that the Nivaĉle glottal stop is unspecified for place features, but specified for constricted glottis ([c.g]). On the other hand, it is advanced that /ʔ/ is an independent consonantal phoneme in the language that has multiple prosodic parsings. First, a glottal stop can occur (contrastively) in syllable onset position. Second, a postvocalic glottal stop can be variably parsed to the vocalic Nucleus of the syllable and hence form part of a Complex Nucleus or to the coda position. As a result, two different manifestations of phonetic glottalized vowels are realized: creaky/rearticulated and vowelglottal coda, respectively. It is argued that these diverse glottal realizations are rooted in a set of prosodic constraints.