Two Types of Resumptive Pronouns in Swahili

In this article, I demonstrate that Swahili distinguishes two types of resumptive pronouns: (a) lower Ā-movement copies and (b) base-generated bound pronouns. These two types of resumptive pronouns are morphologically distinct: the presence of (local) person features reflects a base-generated derivation, and the absence of person features reflects Ā-movement. Crucial evidence comes from local person pro-nominal clefts derived from islands (bound pronoun context) and parasitic gaps (movement copy context). Inspired by Van Urk 2018, I analyze this pattern using Landau’s (2006) theory of chain reduction in which only movement copies create chains and are then subject to an algorithm that deletes person features.

Does prosody meet syntax? A case study on standard Italian cleft sentences and left peripheral focus

In this work we deal with two structures that have a very similar pragmatic function in Italian and have been claimed to have similar semantic and syntactic properties, namely clefts and left peripheral focus. Since Chomsky (1977. On wh-movement. In Peter W. Culicover, Thomas Wasow & Adrian Akmajian (eds.), Formal Syntax, 71–132. New York: Academic Press.) they have been both considered as instances of A’-movement and should therefore behave alike. Here we investigate their prosody and their syntax on the basis of three experimental studies and show that while the prosodic patterns found are indeed very similar, their syntax is less homogenous than expected if we apply general tests that have been traditionally used to distinguish A- from A’-movement. In particular, we will discuss three of these tests, namely parasitic gaps, weak crossover and anaphoric binding and show that the two constructions yield quite different results. We analyse the differences within the framework of featural relativized minimality originally proposed in Rizzi (2004. Locality and the left periphery. In Adriana Belletti (ed.), Structures and Beyond: The Cartography of Syntactic Structures 3, 223–251. Oxford: Oxford University Press.) and subsequent work. On this basis, we conclude that there is no one to one match between prosodic and syntactic properties, since we observe differences in the syntactic behaviour of the two constructions that do not surface in the prosodic patterns. Indirectly, this study sheds new light on the interface between prosody and syntax and is a confirmation of a modular theory of the components of grammar: some specific syntactic properties have no reflex in other components of grammar and can only be detected through purely syntactic tests.

Multiple movement dependencies and parasitic gaps

Nissenbaum (2000) and Heck and Himmelreich (2017) (henceforth HH) are two prominent works that are noteworthy for focusing on the interaction of multiple movement dependencies (MMDs) and parasitic gaps (PGs). However, these two works consider disjoint and contrasting types of data paradigms. In this squib, I take both types of paradigms into consideration. In doing so, there are three inter-related questions that arise for our understanding of PGs (and in particular for PGs that involve certain MMDs). The first question asks what the correct descriptive generalizations about PG paradigms are. Going beyond such a generalization, we can also ask how to properly account for the data (and whether a unified analysis is possible). Finally, and more specifically, we can ask how to account for the compositional semantics of PGs, especially those involving MMDs.

Diagnosing Clause Structure in a Polysynthetic Language: Wh-Agreement and Parasitic Gaps in West Circassian

This article identifies and tests a novel diagnostic for clause structure in West Circassian, a polysynthetic language with ergative alignment. The diagnostic concerns an unusual construction involving multiple wh-agreement in relative clauses. I argue that wh-agreement morphology uniformly tracks agreement with a wh-trace, and sentences with more than one instance of wh-agreement are surface manifestations of a parasitic gap dependency. Once multiple wh-agreement is understood in this theoretically familiar light, it can be used as a powerful tool for diagnosing asymmetries between various constituents in the West Circassian clause. By appealing to well-known constraints on parasitic gap licensing, the article demonstrates that the absolutive DP raises to a position c-commanding other clausemate DPs, and applied objects may undergo optional scrambling to a position above the ergative agent.

Long-distance dependencies

This chapter explores the analysis of constructions in which a constituent appears in a position other than the one with which its syntactic function is usually associated. Section 17.1 discusses the syntax of long-distance dependencies, including topicalization, left- or right-dislocation constructions, relative clauses, and constituent (“wh”) questions. Section 17.2 discusses constructions in which the displaced phrase is related not to a gap within the clause, but to a resumptive pronoun. Section 17.3 discusses how a long-distance dependency construction may be marked morphologically. Section 17.4 considers evidence for and against traces, with particular attention to the phenomenon of weak crossover. Section 17.5 examines multiple-gap constructions, including “across-the-board” extraction and parasitic gaps. The semantics of constructions involving long-distance dependencies are then considered: relative clauses are discussed in Section 17.6, and constituent (“wh”) questions in Section 17.7.

Computational Coverage of TLG: Nonlinearity

We study nonlinear connectives (exponentials) in the context of Type Logical Grammar(TLG). We devise four conservative extensions of theDisplacement calculus with brackets, \DbC, \DbCM, \DbCb and \DbCbMr which contain the universal and existential exponential modalities of linear logic (\LL). These modalitiesdo not exhibit the same structural properties as in \LL, which in TLG are especially adapted for linguistic purposes. The universal modality \univexpfor TLG allows only the commutative and contraction rules, but not weakening, whereas the existential modality \exstexp allows the so-called (intuitionistic) mingle rule, whichderives a restricted version of weakening called \emph{expansion}. We provide a Curry-Howard labelling for both exponential connectives. As it turns out,controlled contraction by \univexp gives a way to account for the so-called parasitic gaps, and controlled Mingle \exstexp iterability, in particular iteratedcoordination. Finally, the four calculi are proved to be Cut-Free but decidability is only proved for $\DbCb$, whereasfor the rest the question of decidability remains open.