second constitutional period
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2021 ◽  
Vol 9 (59) ◽  

Ayşe Zekiye, Hayriye Melek ,Şehbenderzade Pakize,Salime Servet Seyfi and Safiye Vefik who are takes place between women writers of the Second Constıtutıonal Period. In their fictional texts, generally emotionality that puts women at the center is intence. In these works that written by women writers about women using the women's point of view, are told sad or tragic stories of virtuous,innocent and beautiful women. In this work, Bir Pederin Hatası of Ayşe Zekiye, Zühre- i Elem of Hayriye Melek, Nihal of Şehbenderzade Pakize, Bir Hatıra-i Pejmürde of Salime Servet Seyfi, Muhaberât-ı Hakikiye of Sadiye Vefik that have been written in the Second Constitutional Period and these are an example of emotional novel, have been selected subject of study. It will be examined whether the person, subject and themes seen in the santimental novel are included in these works or whether there are features of aesthetic items. It is stated that the sentimental novel mostly focuses on life of a sensitive and emotional woman. Thematically, it describes the conflict between the heroine's individual desires and social value judgments. The narratives are resolved in the context of clashes of fictional women or their torments. Also, it will be determined that how authors deal with women's issues and whether they include a new type of woman by fictional work. Keywords: Conflict, conflicting duties, light touch, tableu, sentimental novel, woman writer


2019 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 50-70
Author(s):  
Eyal Ginio

The article concentrates on the reign of Sultan Mehmed Reşad (1909–18) to discuss the last phase of the Ottoman sultanate. Notwithstanding the significance of the Second Constitutional Period, Mehmed Reşad’s reign itself is often mentioned merely as representing the twilight of the Ottoman sultanate, when it became devoid of political power. By using a variety of primary sources, archival, printed and visual documents, this paper focuses on the rule of Mehmed Reşad as representing an attempt to shape a new stage of the Ottoman sultanate. It analyzes the use of Ottoman history at that time and the diffusion of imperial representations to evoke the grandeur of past sultans and its links to the reign of Mehmed Reşad. By promoting his image as a benevolent ruler and the supreme icon of the imagined Ottoman past, Mehmed Reşad endeavored to safeguard his status as a sultan and the future of the sultanate.


Author(s):  
Werner Stangl

The early 19th century was a period of intense turmoil and chaos in the Spanish-speaking world: The Napoleonic Wars and French occupation of the Peninsula in the 1800s, independence movements in the Americas, the liberal constitution of Cádiz, Napoleon’s defeat, and the reinstallation of the Bourbons in the 1810s, and finally, the second constitutional period, the iron fist of restoration, and the eventual loss of most American possessions between 1821 and 1825. The least affected areas in the midst of this turmoil were the loyalist islands of Cuba and Puerto Rico, metaphorically the “eye of the hurricane.” It is within this context that a corpus of some dozen letters, preserved in the Spanish National Archive, were written. They were produced in the circum-Caribbean region—most in Puerto Rico—and addressed mainly to relatives and business partners on the other side of the Atlantic. The letters in question were archived without accompanying documentation, probably seized by authorities loyal to the restoration of the Ancien Régime. As a central element, this digital resource—“En el Ojo del Huracán”—displays these primary sources in an online presentation. Beyond the historiographic value of the sources, the project explores the differences between traditional and digital edition standards (TEI) for digital letter editions with the aim of showcasing the benefits of implementing the digital paradigm and for different visualizations, functionalities, analysis and incorporation in larger infrastructures.


2018 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 502
Author(s):  
Nurhayat Çelebi ◽  
Hatice Tezer Asan ◽  
Engin Asan

<p><strong>Abstract</strong></p><p>In this study, the struggle against paramilitary organizations and associations founded during the Second Constitutional period when the conception of nation-state and the concept of citizen-militia gained momentum in European states has been scrutinized. The research is a qualitative study based on a document analysis. After the traumas of wars in the Ottoman Empire, which entered the process of rapidly losing the lands spreading over three continents, the education mentality has been re-examined within the framework of citizenship conception. In addition to these inquiries and innovations, which began especially in the military area, they also manifested themselves with educational programs and schools centered on military regimes. This paradigm shift, which accelerated especially with the 18th century, soldier-son themed citizen perception and the current dominant patriarchal moral shave had reflections on education mentality and practice of social structure organized by the state and they turned into bringing up sons as warriors, power-owners and citizens ready to sacrifice for their motherland.</p><p><strong>Öz</strong></p><p>Bu çalışmada, Ulus-devlet anlayışının ivme kazandığı Avrupa devletlerinde vatandaş-asker anlayışı ve uygulamasının ön plana geçtiği II. Meşrutiyet yıllarında açılan paramiliter örgüt ve derneklere ilişkin çabalar mercek altına alınmıştır. Araştırma doküman incelemesine dayalı nitel bir çalışmadır. Üç kıtaya yayılan topraklarını hızla kaybetme sürecine giren Osmanlı İmparatorluğu’nda yaşanan savaş travmalarından sonra vatandaş kavramı çerçevesinde eğitim anlayışı yeniden gözen geçirilmiştir. Özellikle askeri alanda başlayan bu sorgulamalar ve yenilik arayışlarının yanı sıra, yine askeri düzenlemeleri merkeze alan eğitim programları ve okulları ile kendini açıkça belli etmiştir.  Özellikle 18. Yüzyılla birlikte hız kazanan bu paradigma değişimi, asker-evlat ana temalı vatandaş algısı ile halihazırda baskın ataerkil değerler, sosyal yapının bu kez devlet eliyle organize edilen eğitim anlayışı ve uygulamalarına yansımış; “savaşçı, erk sahibi, vatana kendini feda etmeye hazır” –özellikle erkek- evlatların yetiştirilmesine dönüşmüştür.</p>


Author(s):  
M. Şükrü Hanioğlu

This chapter discusses how Mustafa Kemal Atatürk held strongly to the old Committee of Union and Progress (CUP) belief that maintaining the state's European character was crucial for its survival. For Mustafa Kemal, Turkey's essential Europeanness remained unchanged; it simply had to be expressed in cultural rather than geographical terms. This attitude resembles the modern Israeli sense of belonging to the West despite residing in the East. Not unlike the Ashkenazi Jews of Israel, who championed the idea of belonging to Western civilization, Mustafa Kemal—a native of European Turkey—was determined to shape the Turkish state and society in the cultural mold of Europe. His attempts in this regard constitute one of the greatest projects of intellectual and social transformation of the early twentieth century. His initiatives in Westernization surpassed even the most avant-garde projects of the radical Ottoman Westernizers of the Second Constitutional Period.


2017 ◽  
Vol 6 (6) ◽  
pp. 444
Author(s):  
Togay Seçkin Birbudak

<p><strong>Abstract </strong></p><p>Haci Adil (Arda) Bey, born in Lovech in 1869, was an important politician and jurist who held important positions in government offices both in the Ottoman Empire and in the Republic of Turkey. Throughout his career as a government official, which he started as a customs official in Yemen in 1890, he took several government offices in Yemen, Istanbul, and Thessaloniki for about 20 years and was inducted as the Governor of Edirne a short while after the proclamation of the Second Constitutionalist Period. Taking office as a senior manager within the party of Union and Progress following assume of governor of Edirne office, lasted for about a year, Haci Adil was appointed as Interior minister in 1912. He continued to hold critical offices during the Turco-Italian War, Balkan War and the First World War while the government was having hard times. He became interior minister once again in the government formed after the Sublime Porte Raid in 1913. HE was appointed as the governor of Edirne once again after the city was taken back during the Balkan War II, and held the office of chairperson of the Ottoman Parliament between the years 1915 and 1918. Arrested and exiled to Malta after end of First World War, Haci Adil lived the life of an exile abroad between the years 1919 and 1922. Returning home after his captivity in Malta, Haci Adil held the offices of the Governor of Adana and Bursa, lectured at the Ottoman University Darülfünun, and represented country on international courts. Haci Adil, who also held offices in Istanbul Municipality, died in 1935.</p><p>This study gives information on the political and administrative activities of Haci Adil, who was one of the members of the headquarter of party of Union and Progress, during the Second Constitutional Period based on archive documents. </p><p><strong>Öz</strong></p><p>1869 yılında Lofça’da dünyaya gelen Hacı Âdil (Arda) Bey, hem Osmanlı Devleti hem de Türkiye Cumhuriyeti zamanında mühim devlet görevlerinde bulunmuş önemli bir siyasetçi ve hukuk adamıdır. 1890 yılında Yemen’de gümrük memuru olarak başladığı devlet hizmetinde yaklaşık 20 yıl süre ile Yemen, İstanbul ve Selanik’te çeşitli memuriyetler üstlenmiş, II. Meşrutiyet’in ilanından kısa bir süre sonra Edirne Valisi olarak atanmıştır. Yaklaşık bir yıl süren Edirne Valiliği görevinden sonra İttihat ve Terakki Fırkası içerisinde üst düzey yöneticilik görevi alan Hacı Âdil Bey, 1912 yılında Dâhiliye Nâzırlığı’na getirilmiştir. Trablusgarp Savaşı, Balkan Savaşı ve I. Dünya Savaşı yıllarında devletin zor günlerinde kritik görevler almaya devam eden Hacı Âdil Bey 1913 yılında Bâb-ı Âlî Baskını sonrasında kurulan hükûmette bir kez daha Dâhiliye Nâzırı olmuş, II. Balkan Savaşı sırasında Edirne’nin geri alınmasının ardından bir kez daha bu şehre vali olarak atanmış, 1915-1918 yılları arasında da Meclis-i Mebusan Reisliği görevini yürütmüştür. I. Dünya Savaşı’nın sona ermesinin ardından tutuklanan ve Malta’ya sürgüne gönderilen Hacı Âdil Bey, 1919-1922 yılları arasında yurtdışında sürgün hayatı yaşamıştır. Malta esareti sonrasında yurda dönen Hacı Âdil Bey, Adana ve Bursa valilikleri görevlerinde bulunmuş, Dârülfünûn’da dersler vermiş ve uluslararası mahkemelerde ülkemizi temsil etmiştir. İstanbul Belediyesi’nde de görevler üstlenen Hacı Âdil Bey 1935 yılında vefat etmiştir.</p><p>Söz konusu çalışmada İttihat ve Terakki Fırkası’nın merkez-i umumi azalarından olan Hacı Âdil Bey’in II. Meşrutiyet dönemindeki siyasî-idarî faaliyetleri hakkında arşiv belgeleri ekseninde bilgiler verilmektedir. </p>


2017 ◽  
Vol 17 ◽  
Author(s):  
Paulina Dominik

Pour la réforme de la justice ottomane: Count Leon Walerian Ostroróg (1867–1932) and his activities in the final decades of the Ottoman Empire Following the final partition of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth in 1795 the Ottoman Empire became one of the chief destinations for the Polish political émigrés. Poles fled to Istanbul hoping for Ottoman support in their efforts to regain independence. Their participation in the Ottoman public sphere was not limited to the activities aimed at the restoration of an independent Poland; rather, Polish émigrés also played an active role in the enterprise of modernization of the Ottoman state since the era of the Tanzimat reforms (1839–1876). While one can say that the intensity of the Polish participation in the Ottoman public sphere decreased substantially after the Ottoman defeat in the war against Russia (1877 –1878) and during the reign of Sultan Abdülhamid II (r. 1876–1909), the subsequent 1908 Young Turk Revolution and the coming to power of the Committee of Union and Progress (İttihat ve Terakki Fırkası) was a watershed event that attracted some Polish émigrés from France to come to the Ottoman Empire.This paper focuses on the work of Count Leon Ostroróg (1867–1932), who came to prominence as a legal adviser to the Ottoman Ministry of Justice in the Second Constitutional Period (1908–1918). He played an important role in the reform projects of the Ottoman legal system. Meanwhile, he was actively engaged in the life of the Istanbul’s Polish, French and Levantine communities. By focusing on his major works this paper discusses Ostroróg’s views on the late Ottoman Empire and his stance towards the transformation of the multicultural and multiethnic Ottoman Empire into the nation-state of the Republic of Turkey in the aftermath of the WWI and towards a number of far-reaching reforms that characterized that period. Pour la réforme de la justice ottomane: Hrabia Leon Walerian Ostroróg (1867–1932) i jego działalność w późnym Imperium Osmańskim Po ostatnim rozbiorze Rzeczpospolitej Obojga Narodów w 1795 roku Imperium Osmańskie było jednym z najważniejszych kierunków, jakie obrała polska emigracja polityczna. Polacy przyjeżdżali nad Bosfor mając nadzieję na osmańskie wsparcie w próbach odbudowania niepodległego państwa polskiego. Aktywność Polaków w Porcie Osmańskiej nie ograniczała się jednak wyłącznie do planowania przyszłych powstań przeciwko zaborcom. Emigranci odegrali znaczącą rolę w przygotowaniu reform mających na celu reorganizację Imperium Osmańskiego poczynając od okresu Tanzimatu (1839–1876). Choć działalność polskiej emigracji zmalała po przegranej Imperium Osmańskiego w wojnie przeciwko Rosji (1877–1878) i podczas panowania Sułtana Abdülhamida II (na tronie od 1876 do 1909), rewolucja młodoturecka w 1908 roku i dojście do władzy Komitetu Jedności i Postępu (İttihat ve Terakki Fırkası) były przełomowymi wydarzeniami, które stały się impulsem dla polskich emigrantów urodzonych we Francji do przybycia do Państwa Osmańskiego.Tematem tego artykułu jest działalność Hrabiego Leona Ostroroga (1867–1932), który w okresie młodotureckim (1908–1918) zasłynął jako doradca prawny w osmańskim Ministerstwie Sprawiedliwości. Ostroróg odegrał znaczącą rolę w przygotowaniu projektów reform osmańskiego systemu prawnego. Równocześnie był on również aktywnie zaangażowany w życie polskiej, osmańskiej oraz lewantyńskiej społeczności Stambułu. Koncentrując się na najważniejszych pracach opublikowanych przez Ostroroga, artykuł poddaje pod dyskusję poglądy Ostroroga na sytuację Imperium Osmańskiego w ostatnich latach jego istnienia oraz na zmiany zachodzące w wyniku I wojny światowej, kiedy to wielokulturowe i wieloetniczne imperium przeobraziło się w Republikę Turcji.


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