Pandemics and Political Development

ABSTRACT Do pandemics have lasting consequences for political behavior? The authors address this question by examining the consequences of the deadliest pandemic of the last millennium: the Black Death (1347–1351). They claim that pandemics can influence politics in the long run if the loss of life is high enough to increase the price of labor relative to other factors of production. When this occurs, labor-repressive regimes, such as serfdom, become untenable, which ultimately leads to the development of proto-democratic institutions and associated political cultures that shape modalities of political engagement for generations. The authors test their theory by tracing the consequences of the Black Death in German-speaking Central Europe. They find that areas hit hardest by that pandemic were more likely to adopt inclusive political institutions and equitable land ownership patterns, to exhibit electoral behavior indicating independence from landed elite influence during the transition to mass politics, and to have significantly lower vote shares for Hitler’s National Socialist Party in the Weimar Republic’s fateful 1930 and July 1932 elections.

Auctions and the Making of the Nabob in Late Eighteenth-Century Calcutta and London

This article examines the meanings and controversies surrounding sales by public auction in British colonial Calcutta and in London during the last decades of the eighteenth century. For Britons living in Calcutta's European sector, auctions were essential for acquiring imported European items that granted a sense of gentility and Britishness abroad. Public sales in Calcutta provided Britons with goods that instilled the fantasy of living in a British geography in India. However, by the last quarter of the century, ‘sales by hammer’ throughout the colonial world carried association with corruption, cruelty, and orientalization in the metropolitan imagination. In Britain, textual and visual accounts circulated of Europeans transforming into debauched ‘nabobs’, of the horrors of American slave auctions, and of the British East India Company's use of public sales to defraud and abuse prominent Indians. For some metropolitan observers, sales by hammer were a deceitful means of seizing property and status from the traditional landed elite of India and Britain. British critics feared that colonial auction practices could become common in Britain and could lead to the upending of social hierarchization and the normalization of slavery in the metropolis.

An Inheritance that Cannot Be Stolen: Schooling, Kinship, and Personhood in Post-1945 Central Philippines

This article seeks a deeper understanding of inheritance by examining how kinship and personhood propel, and are altered by, schooling. It foregrounds kinship's and personhood's transformative and historical dimensions with an eye to their complexity and unevenness. The post-1945 generation in the central Philippines considers schooling (edukasyon) as their inheritance from their parents, who had few or no educational credentials themselves. This view reflects edukasyon’s increased value after the war, how people both judge and emulate the old landed elite, and the ongoing salience and elaboration of hierarchical parent-child ties. Alongside this view, children are recognized as completing, redeeming, and compensating for their parents. Attainment of edukasyon is seen to require not only personal striving but also solidarity and sacrifices among siblings. Yet, edukasyon also fosters autonomy and at times severs kinship ties. Finally, as an inheritance, edukasyon both depends upon and generates inequality, with long-term intergenerational implications.

The Politics of A Modest Proposal: Swift and the Irish Crisis of the Late 1720s

Swift’s Modest Proposal (1729) is widely regarded as the most brilliant satire in the English language, but its political context has never been properly explored. Some literary scholars have presented the tract as a parody of political economy; others have concentrated on the imputation of cannibalism, the distinguishing mark of the savage, which Swift redirects away from the natives towards the English settlers and their descendants. But nobody has convincingly related A Modest Proposal to the Irish parliamentary debates and pamphlet discussions of the late 1720s, when three successive harvest failures led to food riots in southern ports, large-scale emigration from the north, and thousands of deaths. Nor has anyone seriously investigated Swift’s hatred of the Irish landlord class, which provides A Modest Proposal with its most powerful, animating grievance. During the 1720s disputes over estate management, leasing practices and the relative merits of tillage and pastoral agriculture reflected the spiralling sense that the colonial mission of Ireland’s Protestant elite was on the point of collapse. Swift joined other patriotic commentators in deploring the conversion of arable land to pasture and the resultant expulsion of communities of villagers. Political economists marshalled statistics to demonstrate that human tenants could be as profitable as livestock. A dramatic deterioration in relations between Ireland’s clerical intelligentsia and the landed elite encouraged a distinct strain of social criticism among Anglican clergymen, who blamed landowners for depopulating the countryside ‐ something that Swift repeatedly associated with those barbarous man-eaters of ancient times, the Scythians. For a century and a half the cultivation of Irish soil had been a barometer of the civilising process; consequently the figure of the grazier had become for Swift the epitome of Irish perversity and self-destruction.

Challenging the landed elite in contemporary Pakistani politics

Since independence in 1947, highly politicised kinship practices have shaped the country from rural agricultural villages to the highest legislative and executive branches of government and the military. Ideal models of patrilineal affiliation have defined and guided patterns of factional loyalties. Although my earlier work has principally focused on village networks and politics, the same patterns of factional alliances can be seen at national levels to shed light on the activities of party politics. The mechanisms adopted by the traditional landed elite, far from being challenged, are integral to the strategic success of non-landed elites in securing the top, public, elected positions of power. So, rather than suggesting landed elites have become irrelevant, I argue the source of wealth is ultimately less relevant than the broader socio-economic shard class and familial interests of a minority elite bound together through marriage.

Fareeha Zafar. Canals, Colonies and Class: British Policy in the Punjab 1880- 1940. Lahore, Pakistan: Lahore School of Economics. 2017. xxii + 317 pages. Price not given.

Fareeha Zafar’s book Canals, Colonies and Class: British Policy in the Punjab 1880-1940 is essentially an edited reproduction of her PhD thesis, The Impact of Canal Construction on the Rural Structures of the Punjab: The Canal Colony Districts, 1880 To 1940. The thesis was completed about 35 years ago at the School of Oriental and African Studies, the University of London (now SOAS, the University of London). She studies the British colonisation process in the Punjab and its effect on the local environment, the production patterns, and social relations, understanding that despite several similar studies on the region, no serious effort had been made to synthesise these issues the way she does in this book. However, in the form of a new book, the synthesis does not add much value as it reiterates the British colonisers’ well-known strategies, namely irrigation development as a tool to settle disarmed forces and nomads and, thereby, strengthening a class of local landed elite to maintain their power in the colonies, their revenue-seeking policies, indebtedness of the landed class and alike. Nevertheless, considering the timing of the original contribution, the book, if read together with the contributions such as Khuhro (1978/1999) and Cheesman (1997), provides a relatively rich description of geographers’ analyses of the British policies, their intentions, and their effects.

The First British Empire, the Whig Supremacy, and the East India Company

This chapter discusses the efforts to transform the political economy of England's imperial expansion during the Commonwealth (1649–1653). The architects of the Commonwealth's new imperial political economy were principally drawn from the worlds of unregulated Atlantic trading and East Indian interloping. In alliance with elements of the landed elite and middling social strata in London, these new merchant groupings helped to shift England's centralized territorial state away from an essentially extractive relationship with overseas commercial and colonial expansion—whereby the state attempted to “arbitrarily” raise revenues from such expansion—toward a new relationship in which the state was fully committed to providing the public infrastructure and military protection necessary for the unlimited flow of English trade, shipping, and investment across the globe.

Chiapas and the Zapatista National Liberation Army

The 1994 Zapatista uprising in the southern Mexican state of Chiapas was the culmination of centuries of repression and exploitation of the country’s indigenous minority at the hands of its Spanish and mestizo leaders and the landed elite. The Liberal Reform initiated in 1854, followed by the “modernizing” policies of President Porfirio Díaz (1877–1880; 1884–1911), and then the revolution that ousted him, would strengthen and institutionalize a new set of institutional frameworks, discourses, and practices that lasted through the 20th century. The Ejército Zapatista de Liberación Nacional (Zapatista National Liberation Army, or EZLN) emerged from a history of complex and volatile relationships between indigenous peoples of the impoverished state and its economic and political elite, relationships that began a process of redefinition in the 1950s. Zapatismo is one of the expressions of indigenous and working-class struggles in this social and historical context. It can be distinguished from other rural and indigenous movements by its repudiation of the strategies of protest and negotiation within an institutional framework, its adoption of armed struggle, and its rejection of the conventional objectives of land and commercial agricultural production in favor of territorial autonomy and de facto self-government.

Cork’s Courthouses, the Landed Elite, and the Rockite Rebellion: Architectural Responses to Agrarian Violence, 1820–1827

This chapter complements a burgeoning literature on Irish architecture within the wider concept of ‘improvement’ during the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries. A detailed examination of the building of county Cork’s new courthouses and bridewells during the 1820s offers a fascinating insight into the thought processes of grand juries as they sought to marry their visions of improvement with the practicalities of penal architecture and urban planning. The Rockite disturbances provided the immediate backdrop, but this thought-provoking essay shows that the flurry of new building in Cork must be considered within ‘the delicate balance of alliance and enmity which characterises central state and Irish grand jury relations in this period’.