nato intervention
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2021 ◽  
pp. 026272802110001
Author(s):  
Zahoor Ahmad Wani

This article examines the emergence of the neo-Taliban and its encroachment in non-Pashtun regions after the debacle of the old Taliban following the post 9/11 US-led NATO intervention in Afghanistan. It seeks to understand what aspirations drive the neo-Taliban and how they have reframed their ideology after 2001, leading to growing acceptance of a future role for the neo-Taliban in Afghanistan, while foreign-led counterinsurgency seems to fail. The article argues that due to the extremely fractious nature and continuing precariousness of the Afghan political climate, the neo-Taliban could emerge as a formidable power, with an agenda of bringing peace and stability to the entire ‘Af-Pak’ region. However, to what extent the neo-Taliban may be successful in countering widely held perceptions that it is a Pashtun nationalist movement, antagonistic to women, dissent and minorities, remains part of the challenging puzzle, as much for analysts as for the movement itself, which is not trusted in terms of delivering good governance in Afghanistan.


2020 ◽  
Vol 21 (3) ◽  
pp. 125-144
Author(s):  
Andrea Betti

AbstractTwenty years after the NATO intervention in Kosovo, domestic Western societies seem to have become more distrustful of the possibility of invoking and implementing humanitarian intervention (HI). This paper focuses on the 2011–2015 British domestic debate on the possibility of using force against the Syrian Government of Bashar al-Assad and against the Islamic State in Syrian territory. The goal is to understand how relevant domestic actors, namely the Government and the political parties, debated the concept of HI and engaged in several discursive strategies with the goal of influencing the decision on whether or not to intervene. The perception of the Members of Parliament about the failure of previous British governments of different ideological affiliations to carry out successful and useful interventions, especially in Iraq and Libya, favoured the development of an ‘intersubjective understanding’ that reflects a more precarious consensus on HI. The paper explains how the historical analogies of operations Iraqi Freedom against Saddam Hussein and Unified Protector against Muammar Gaddafi shaped the perceptions of political parties by pushing them to claim a larger say in disputes related to the legitimacy and feasibility of these operations.


2020 ◽  
pp. 329-343
Author(s):  
Uros Suvakovic

Analysis of political-propaganda actions of Western media during the Yugoslav crisis with the role in breaking the second Yugoslav state is performed in the paper, on basis of the previously theoretically determined idea of propaganda and political propaganda. By character, it was ?propaganda of war? and in certain intervals it was ?war propaganda?, while the subject of stigmatization were the Serbs, therefore it was decidedly anti-Serbian by the character. Direct occasion for this analysis were scientific researches of Dr. Slobodan Vukovic regarding the Yugoslav crisis, the role of foreign (Austrian, German, British and American) print media in the development of anti-Serbian propaganda as the basis for the breakage of Yugoslavia and the war against the Serbian people and Serbia. In his works (in the period 2000-2018), especially in the last two-volume compound Serbs in the Narrative of the West: ?Humanitarian? NATO Intervention, Vukovic successfully arguments the thesis about the centennial continuous anti-Serbian propaganda and the policy of the West based on it regarding the Serbs, which is the consequence in the greatest extent of the German revanchism for the lost two world wars, but also the result of other interests of the Western forces.


Author(s):  
Marinko Bobić

Chapter six covers the military confrontation launched by the NATO alliance against the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (Serbia) in 1999. It explains why and under what conditions Slobodan Milošević’s regime rejected a peaceful settlement to the Kosovo conflict. It does so by highlighting how antagonisms in Kosovo presented a unique domestic crisis, giving Milošević an opportunity to seize power and ride on the popular sentiment, but also limited Milošević’s ability to compromise with Kosovo Albanians. To retain regime stability and popularity, Milošević resisted compromising on Kosovo. In addition, he was given foreign support by Russia, which opposed NATO intervention at a diplomatic level. Once the conditions change, a counter-factual analysis shows that so does their causal power, further strengthening the findings.


2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Eigil Kvernmo

The main body of the research analyzed existing documents on the Libya intervention and NATO's strategic shifts in the post-cold war era. Another focus was the review of literature on the changes in policy and actions of China and Russia after the intervention and to assess to what extent these changes could be attributed to the NATO intervention. Furthermore, I reviewed primary sources of information such as articles, blogs and interviews by/with members of the US foreign policy establishment before, during and after the time of the intervention.


2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Eigil Kvernmo

The main body of the research analyzed existing documents on the Libya intervention and NATO's strategic shifts in the post-cold war era. Another focus was the review of literature on the changes in policy and actions of China and Russia after the intervention and to assess to what extent these changes could be attributed to the NATO intervention. Furthermore, I reviewed primary sources of information such as articles, blogs and interviews by/with members of the US foreign policy establishment before, during and after the time of the intervention.


2019 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 129-140
Author(s):  
Jasmina Kijevcanin

The year 2019 marked the 20th anniversary of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization’s (NATO) intervention in the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, and the end of the Kosovo War. I take this as an opportunity to reflect on the role, importance and impact of the NATO bombing victims’ redress. This article unwraps the process of policymaking aimed at the redress for victims of the NATO bombing, exploring how policymakers formulated policies and, among other issues, what role the families of the Radio Television of Serbia employees who died in the NATO bombing have in the formulation of these policies.


2019 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Mayora Bunga Swastika

The Arab Spring is a term for the revolutions of countries in the Middle East. The Arab Spring has a purpose to overthrow a dictatorial government. The series of Arab Spring began with protest in Tunisia on December 18, 2010. This protest started with Mohamed Bouazizi, a Tunisian street vendor, who set himself on fire as a protest against corruption. The success of the protest in Tunisia gave a domino effect to the surrounding countries. The impact of the Arab Spring also occurred in Libya in 2011. Libyan leader, Muhammar al-Gaddafi who has been in power for 42 years, refused to resign. This triggered protest from the Libyan people. Civil war happened in Libya between the pro-Gaddafi group and the opposition. NATO conducted humanitarian intervention in Libya under the official UN mandate. This article provides a humanitarian intervention analysis conducted by NATO using just war theory, especially the principle of jus in bello. The purpose of this article is to find out whether the intervention was in accordance with the jus in bello principle or not. This article used the literature study method by collecting data related to NATO intervention in Libya. This article shows that there are crimes against humanity committed by NATO in Libya. But, NATO intervention in Libya can reach the goal if viewed with proportionality principle in jus in bello. Keywords: Libyan conflict, humanitarian intervention, jus in bello.


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