Current Status and Prospects of Gas Turbine Technology Application

The gas turbine is widely used in various fields, including powering aircraft, ships, trains, and electrical generators. This paper reviews multiple researches about two usages of gas turbines, including power generation and propulsion in aerospace. To be specific, two types of gas turbines have been considered in the power generation section. The first one is the micro-scale turbine, and its working principle has been introduced in section 2.1.1. In addition, six diverse kinds of gas turbines, sorted by a different manufacturer, are introduced in 2.1.2, and it has been found out that, compared to its counterpart, EnerTwin is obviously more sustainable. At the same time, both of them generally cost the same. The second type of gas turbine is used in a combined cycle power plant (CCPP), a popular power station. The working principle of CCPP is introduced in 2.2.1, while several optimization methods are illustrated in 2.2.2, including solar thermal power methods and other novel methods. The result indicates that the most popular method of optimizing the combined cycle gas turbine is integrating an additional unit. One of those outstanding technics is the integrated solar-combined cycle, contributing to 64% of fuel saving with 2.8% of output reduction.

How does Spinoza’s “Democracy” differ from that of Hobbes?

Field focuses on the role in political theory of the concept of potentia of the people—power understood as the informal, natural power of the people—as distinct from potestas understood as the formal arrangement of power under the constitution of a given state. In a close analysis of the arguments of Hobbes and Spinoza on popular power and sovereignty, the book critiques democratic interpretations of both theories. While correct about that, the book neglects fundamental dissimilarities in their views of popular power. Of profound importance is the meaning of the concept “multitude”: unlike Hobbes, Spinoza distinguishes between the great mass of individuals and “the wise,” seeing the “multitude” as encompassing most kings. Also, there is a great gulf between their understandings of the “common good.” For Spinoza, obedience to the sovereign, Hobbes’s desideratum, is only compatible with freedom in the context of a state directed to the common good.

Collective trauma, feminism and the threads of popular power: A personal and political account of Chile’s 2019 social awakening

Chile’s 2019 uprising marked a moment of social awakening for many Chileans, recasting historical memory tropes and shattering the fear of collective action internalised during the years of dictatorial rule (1973–90). This article explores the political legacies of the Popular Unity period (1970–3) made apparent during the 2019 uprising and the popular movement that emerged in its wake. It also centres on the Chilean feminist movement, its historic role as a political force in Chilean politics and how a new feminist discourse became the necessary preamble to Chile’s 2019 social awakening. Lastly, this study describes the sprouting of a neighbourhood assembly movement within days after the 18 October 2019 uprising, its role in rearticulating politics from below and its alignment with the feminist movement, culminating in mass participation in the 8 March 2020 feminist strike. This article places personal and familial accounts in conversation with scholarly works, utilising the 2019 uprising as a lens to revisit the historical past within the onward moving historical present.

Quantification of recoverable oil reserves in the S6, S7 and S8 sands, in the Sigmoilina zone, at the Jusepin field in the Orinoco oil and gas basin, Venezuela

Relevance of the work. Quantifying these oil reserves allows Venezuela to lead the ranking as the country with the largest oil reserves worldwide Purpose of the work. Is related to the need of quantification in the recoverable oil reserves in the field of Husepin (Monagas state, Venezuela) for the oil industry. The methodology of the research. The La Pica 01 Field is made up of 509 wells, of which 49 wells were used to elaborate the correlations, since they have spontaneous potential and resistivity curves. For each well, the tops and bases of the units were determined by analyzing the behavior of the electrical responses of each of the sands, applying the basic concepts of stratigraphy, as well as a detailed compilation of all the information that corresponds to the wells that form part of the study to obtain a standard record that contains all the favorable data and be able to carry out the correlations. Research results. In the S6 sand, 4 oil deposits were found and an Original Oil In Place of 15,875.32 thousands of normal barrels and recoverable reserves of 2,857. 5576 thousands of normal barrels were estimated. For S8 sand, 5 oil fields were defined and an Original Oil In Place of 25,940.86 thousands of normal barrels and recoverable reserves of 4,669. 3548 thousands of normal barrels were estimated. Original Oil In Place was not calculated in the S7 sand because it has no deposits. Recommendations. Review the production history and verify which wells can be re-incorporated into an oil extraction plan and Submit the reserves of the study fields to the Ministry of Popular Power for Energy and Petroleum (MENPET) taking into account the results obtained in this investigation. Conclusions. 4 oil deposits were found in the S6 sand and 5 oil deposits were found in the S8 sand and each of them were with stratigraphic limits, structural limits and fluid contact. No oil deposits were found in the S7 sand, although records have been taken in the northwest of the field show thicknesses of ANP at this stratigraphic level. Keywords: oil reserves, Orinoco basin, Sigmoilina zone, well, deposit.

Do we need an anti-oligarchic constitution?

Camila Vergara’s Systemic Corruption is an extraordinarily rich, provocative and original work of political theory, which makes several compelling interventions in the normative literature. It develops a forceful critique of overly narrow definitions of corruption, insisting that a more ‘systemic’ conception is required in order to grasp the scale of oligarchic domination in contemporary democracies. It also points out the limitations of the ‘proceduralist’ model of contestation adopted by neo-republicans, and outlines a persuasive conception of the people as a partisan actor with specific interests to defend. Yet Vergara’s alternative vision of how popular power might be institutionalized is less convincing. Though she rightly insists on the importance of organized countervailing power and plebeian solidarity, the system of nested local assemblies that she proposes is not well-suited to foster the development of either.

POPULAR POWER, CONSTITUTIONAL DEMOCRACY AND CRISIS: SOUTH AFRICA 1994-2014

The establishment of representative democracy in South Africa was an important victory for people who had been suppressed from the first days of white conquest and who had experienced the seizure of land of African and other indigenous people. With some still cherishing ideas of popular democracy as experienced in the 1980s, electoralism may not have met every person's expectations. But in the context of the history of South Africa with its multiple forms of oppression and exploitation, the vote represented an important advance. It created the possibility of engaging with issues that had not previously been on the agenda. The transition took place within a framework establishing a constitutional democracy, where all organs of government would be bound to act in conformity with the constitution. Regrettably, constitutionalism is currently in crisis and extensive lawlessness undermines democratic gains. The article argues for the formation of a united, non-sectarian organisation behind broadly agreed goals, including defence of the constitution, clean government, and an end to violence.

Collective Military Resistance and Popular Power: Views from the Late Republic (90–31 BC)

This article attempts to read the phenomenon of collective resistance in the Roman army of the Late Republic as political action. Taking my inspiration from post-colonial theories of popular power, I contend that we should not understand acts of collective resistance in military settings as simple events activated by a singular cause, but rather as expressions of individual and collective grievances with the status quo. Indeed, the variant practices of military recruitment in the Late Republic, and the exploitative nature of Rome’s imperial rule put oppressed groups – Italians, provincials, and former slaves – in constant contact with the state apparatus. Thus, military service offered an essential space for political action in the first century BC. These findings help us to better understand how popular power could be realized beyond traditional institutional settings in this period.

Public Tears: Populism and the Politics of Emotion in AKP's Turkey

This article analyzes the increased visibility and frequency of public weeping by the Turkish president, Recep Tayyip Erdoğan. Building on the literature that conceptualizes populism as a particular political style, I argue that crying in public can be understood as a populist performative act of legitimation, serving to dramatize the basic components of the populist discourse. I also contend that the increased frequency of public weeping by Erdoğan relate to two major dilemmas that populists in power encounter. Both dilemmas stem from the growing discrepancy between populist rhetoric and practice, diminishing the credibility of the populist leader. Signaling emotional authenticity, Erdoğan’s tearfulness serves to communicate a message of closeness to the people and sustain the anti-elite rhetoric at a time when his political power and economic wealth increasingly set him apart from the politically and economically marginalized. It also attempts to justify authoritarian practices while sustaining the claim to rule in the name of popular power and mobilize constituents against the opposition.

Katechontic Democracy? Carl Schmitt and the Restraining Mediation of Popular Power

This chapter analyses how Carl Schmitt’s apocalyptic political mythology can provide a critical form for grasping contemporary challenges to the tradition of popular democratic rule. Schmitt’s conception of an ‘illiberal’ democracy is based on seemingly contradictory elements of both ‘populism’ and ‘technocratic elitism’, attempting as it does to wed the popular enthusiasm of mass democracy to a concrete order through the principle of a shared homogeneous identity and the somewhat paradoxical idea of a ‘charismatic bureaucracy’. This amalgamation of authoritarianism and popular sovereignty emanates from what can be described as Schmitt’s ‘katechontic impulse’, a name derived from a Biblical figure introduced by St Paul. The Katechon is the principle or the person that restrains lawlessness or ‘the lawless one’, often interpreted as Antichrist and his reign before the end of days. The chapter shows how Schmitt’s apocalyptic imagery of an ordered popular sovereignty can be illustrated by this politico-theological mytheme and further investigates the implications thereof for contemporary democratic politics.