Bosnia and Herzegovina in political orbit of Karadjordjevo and Tikves

During the 1980s, socialist Yugoslavia was hit by various social problems, which disintegrated the fragile tissue of Tito's state-political legacy. In the early 1990s, when the unstoppable phase of dissolution of this country began, national-chauvinist pretensions resolved to realize their old great-power ambitions in a period of general disruption surfaced. Although in this whirlwind of social turmoil the method of military force was used as the dominant and indispensable factor, behind the scenes political arrangements were very often much more effective in realizing certain goals. Sometimes conducted in public, and sometimes secretly, such negotiations were most often a typical expression of grand national aspirations. In this context, one can certainly observe one of the most famous separate negotiations in the 1990s on the soil of the disintegrating Yugoslavia, conducted between Slobodan Milosevic and Franjo Tuđman. Although these talks have not been published to date, many close associates of the Serbian and Croatian presidents, as well as participants in various political sessions, clearly indicate the presence of a high degree of their mutual agreement on the division of Bosnia and Herzegovina. In this paper, the author tried to shed light on the separate Serbo-Croatian efforts to divide the territory of Bosnia and Herzegovina through the statements of Tuđman and Milosevic, and the speeches of their close associates and participants in numerous political talks.

Croatia’s Knowledge Production on Kosovo around 1989

In socialist Yugoslavia in 1989 the extremely sensitive matter of Kosovo had an ambiguous effect on the League of Communists of Croatia, which was then still caught in the so-called “Croatian silence”. It did however provoke much turbulence in the Croatian media, which made pointed comments on the larger Yugoslav crisis, on the situation in Kosovo, and on the politics of Serbian president Slobodan Milošević. An intense dynamic could be also found in the field of knowledge production which encompassed scholars, historians, and intellectuals. Who produced knowledge about Kosovo? What were their political and intellectual agendas? How did they intervene in the dominant discourses and media coverage, what debates and reactions did they spark? Within the frames of the history of knowledge, the history of books and intellectual history, the author here assesses the works on Kosovo of a number of Croatian and Yugoslav intellectuals, chiefly Darko Hudelist and Branko Horvat.

Antropología forense y violaciones al Derecho Internacional Humanitario (El caso de la antigua Yugoslavia)

En 1989, Slobodan Milosevic, presidente de la Liga Comunista Yugoslava, implementó una reforma constitucional en la que privó del voto en el Congreso de la confederación a la república de Montenegro y a las provincias autónomas Kosovo y Vojvodina; en respuesta, las repúblicas de Eslovenia y Croacia se declararon independientes en 1991, seguidas de Macedonia y Bosnia-Herzegovina en 1992; el mismo año, en la provincia autónoma de Kosovo, los albanokosovares proclamaron la independencia y constituyeron un gobierno paralelo. Buscando mantener el control territorial por la fuerza, Milosevic emprendió campañas bélicas contra Eslovenia y Croacia en 1991, Bosnia-Herzegovina en 1992 y Kosovo en 1996, en las que se cometieron violaciones al Derecho Internacional Humanitario (DIH). Con el objetivo de enjuiciar a los responsables de las contravenciones al DIH en el territorio yugoslavo, la ONU instauró el Tribunal Penal Internacional para la antigua Yugoslavia (TPIY) en el año 1993. En el marco de las investigaciones del Tribunal, la antropología forense jugó un papel fundamental en la recolección de gran parte de las pruebas que fueron utilizadas para el enjuiciamiento de los implicados. Esta obra relata la disolución de la confederación yugoslava; da cuenta del origen y competencias del TPIY, y presenta una síntesis del trabajo antropológico-forense realizado por entre 1996 y 2002, enfatizando en tres operaciones forenses en las que el autor participó en el 2001.

The Balkans in exile : the relationship between Serbian and Croatian communities in Toronto

The recent growth of the Serbian and Croation communities in the Greater Toronto Area has encouraged a change in attitudes between the two groups. Nationalistic sentiments harbored by many in the post-World War Two wave of predominantly Četnik and Ustaša émigrés have been laid to rest by the most recent influx of immigrants and refugees from the former Yugoslavia. This study will discern the reasons for which the new cohort of Yugoslav expatriates of Serbian and Croatian descent has been able to overcome seemingly crippling issues of nationalism. This paper will discuss how two major political figures in the Balkan wars of the 1990s, Slobodan Milošević and Franjo Tudjman, manipulated the nationalism of these two communities. In addition, an examination of media from Serbia, Croatia, and Canada will provide insight on the intricate web of factors that have influenced the conflict between the Serbian and Croatian communities in Toronto.

The Balkans in exile : the relationship between Serbian and Croatian communities in Toronto

The recent growth of the Serbian and Croation communities in the Greater Toronto Area has encouraged a change in attitudes between the two groups. Nationalistic sentiments harbored by many in the post-World War Two wave of predominantly Četnik and Ustaša émigrés have been laid to rest by the most recent influx of immigrants and refugees from the former Yugoslavia. This study will discern the reasons for which the new cohort of Yugoslav expatriates of Serbian and Croatian descent has been able to overcome seemingly crippling issues of nationalism. This paper will discuss how two major political figures in the Balkan wars of the 1990s, Slobodan Milošević and Franjo Tudjman, manipulated the nationalism of these two communities. In addition, an examination of media from Serbia, Croatia, and Canada will provide insight on the intricate web of factors that have influenced the conflict between the Serbian and Croatian communities in Toronto.

PAD SLOBODANA MILOŠEVIĆA

Autor sa distance od dvadeset godina, i uz pomoć novih istorijskih izvora sagledava događaje u kojima je delimično, kao građanin učestvovao, konstatujući na samom početku da se njegovo mišljenje znatno promenilo od tog vremena. Režim Slobodana Miloševića, nije bio ni diktatorski ni tiranski, kako su ga zapadni mediji i domaća opozicija tog vremena predstavljali. On je u velikoj meri bio demokratski, i autoritativan, a u određenom smislu i liberalan. Najveći problem ovog perioda moderne srpske istorije, je njegov sukob sa Zapadom, koji nije dozvoljavao jugoslovenski kontinuitet, nego je 31. maja 1992. godine, Saveznoj Republici Jugoslaviji uveo međunarodne sankcije. Slobodan Milošević bio je autoritativna i snažna ličnost, koja je vladala Srbijom i SRJ u teškim uslovima međunarodne izolacije. Njegov režim bio je improvizatorski i on je opstajao u skladu sa mogućnosima. Njegovom padu u doprinela je pogrešna procena situacije ali i sukob sa srpskim radikalima i forsiranje mondijalističkog JUL-a u odnosu na njegovu izvornu stranku SPS. U petooktobarskim promenama uz pomoć nezadovoljnih građana, ali i dela vojske i policije, uz finasijsku podršku zapadnih obaveštajnih službi, u nekoj vrsti prikrivenog puča, pao je režim Slobodana Miloševića. Faktori koji su ga oborili želeli su vraćanje države u normalne tokove, ali su za to morali da plate izuzetno visoku cenu Zapadu koji je na sve načine pokušavao da kazni Srbiju i Srbe. Ipak nekdašnji lider Srbije je u Hagu doživeo političku i istorijsku rehabilitacju, i od negativne istorijske pojave postao pozitivna istorijska ličnost.

Gazimestan 28 czerwca 1989 roku – frazeologia przemówienia Slobodana Miloševicia

Gazimestan June 28, 1989 – Phraseology of the Speech of Slobodan Milošević In 2019, the thirtieth anniversary of the famous speech of Slobodan Milošević delivered on the day of St. Vitus (Vidovdan) on June 28, 1989, on 600th anniversary of the Battle of Kosovo, was marked. This speech was considered ominous and as an announcement of a future bloody war by many citizens of Yugoslavia and, above all, Albanians and Croats. The author of the article undertook to analyze this speech in terms of phraseology.

Uma análise das histórias dos Tribunais de Crimes de Massa

Por que os tribunais penais internacionais escrevem histórias sobre as origens e causas dos conflitos armados? Com base em pesquisa empírica original com juízes, promotores, advogados de defesa e testemunhas especializadas em três tribunais penais internacionais, Writing History in International Criminal Trials, livro introduzido no presente artigo, procura entender como o direito e a história são combinados no tribunal. O testemunho histórico agora é parte integrante dos julgamentos internacionais, com promotores e equipes de defesa usando testemunhos históricos para atingir objetivos decididamente legais. No julgamento de Slobodan Milosevic, a promotoria procurou demonstrar intenção especial de cometer genocídio por referência a um animus de longa data, alimentado dentro de uma mentalidade nacionalista. Por sua parte, a defesa convocou historiadores como testemunhas para minar as acusações de responsabilidade superior e para mitigar a sentença, representando os crimes como represálias. Embora os modos legais de conhecer sejam distintos dos da história, os dois são efetivamente combinados em julgamentos internacionais de uma maneira que nos desafia a repensar a relação entre direito e história.