Advances in Completely Automated Vowel Analysis for Sociophonetics: Using End-to-End Speech Recognition Systems With DARLA

In recent decades, computational approaches to sociophonetic vowel analysis have been steadily increasing, and sociolinguists now frequently use semi-automated systems for phonetic alignment and vowel formant extraction, including FAVE (Forced Alignment and Vowel Extraction, Rosenfelder et al., 2011; Evanini et al., Proceedings of Interspeech, 2009), Penn Aligner (Yuan and Liberman, J. Acoust. Soc. America, 2008, 123, 3878), and DARLA (Dartmouth Linguistic Automation), (Reddy and Stanford, DARLA Dartmouth Linguistic Automation: Online Tools for Linguistic Research, 2015a). Yet these systems still have a major bottleneck: manual transcription. For most modern sociolinguistic vowel alignment and formant extraction, researchers must first create manual transcriptions. This human step is painstaking, time-consuming, and resource intensive. If this manual step could be replaced with completely automated methods, sociolinguists could potentially tap into vast datasets that have previously been unexplored, including legacy recordings that are underutilized due to lack of transcriptions. Moreover, if sociolinguists could quickly and accurately extract phonetic information from the millions of hours of new audio content posted on the Internet every day, a virtual ocean of speech from newly created podcasts, videos, live-streams, and other audio content would now inform research. How close are the current technological tools to achieving such groundbreaking changes for sociolinguistics? Prior work (Reddy et al., Proceedings of the North American Association for Computational Linguistics 2015 Conference, 2015b, 71–75) showed that an HMM-based Automated Speech Recognition system, trained with CMU Sphinx (Lamere et al., 2003), was accurate enough for DARLA to uncover evidence of the US Southern Vowel Shift without any human transcription. Even so, because that automatic speech recognition (ASR) system relied on a small training set, it produced numerous transcription errors. Six years have passed since that study, and since that time numerous end-to-end automatic speech recognition (ASR) algorithms have shown considerable improvement in transcription quality. One example of such a system is the RNN/CTC-based DeepSpeech from Mozilla (Hannun et al., 2014). (RNN stands for recurrent neural networks, the learning mechanism for DeepSpeech. CTC stands for connectionist temporal classification, the mechanism to merge phones into words). The present paper combines DeepSpeech with DARLA to push the technological envelope and determine how well contemporary ASR systems can perform in completely automated vowel analyses with sociolinguistic goals. Specifically, we used these techniques on audio recordings from 352 North American English speakers in the International Dialects of English Archive (IDEA1), extracting 88,500 tokens of vowels in stressed position from spontaneous, free speech passages. With this large dataset we conducted acoustic sociophonetic analyses of the Southern Vowel Shift and the Northern Cities Chain Shift in the North American IDEA speakers. We compared the results using three different sources of transcriptions: 1) IDEA’s manual transcriptions as the baseline “ground truth”, 2) the ASR built on CMU Sphinx used by Reddy et al. (Proceedings of the North American Association for Computational Linguistics 2015 Conference, 2015b, 71–75), and 3) the latest publicly available Mozilla DeepSpeech system. We input these three different transcriptions to DARLA, which automatically aligned and extracted the vowel formants from the 352 IDEA speakers. Our quantitative results show that newer ASR systems like DeepSpeech show considerable promise for sociolinguistic applications like DARLA. We found that DeepSpeech’s automated transcriptions had significantly fewer character error rates than those from the prior Sphinx system (from 46 to 35%). When we performed the sociolinguistic analysis of the extracted vowel formants from DARLA, we found that the automated transcriptions from DeepSpeech matched the results from the ground truth for the Southern Vowel Shift (SVS): five vowels showed a shift in both transcriptions, and two vowels didn’t show a shift in either transcription. The Northern Cities Shift (NCS) was more difficult to detect, but ground truth and DeepSpeech matched for four vowels: One of the vowels showed a clear shift, and three showed no shift in either transcription. Our study therefore shows how technology has made progress toward greater automation in vowel sociophonetics, while also showing what remains to be done. Our statistical modeling provides a quantified view of both the abilities and the limitations of a completely “hands-free” analysis of vowel shifts in a large dataset. Naturally, when comparing a completely automated system against a semi-automated system involving human manual work, there will always be a tradeoff between accuracy on the one hand versus speed and replicability on the other hand [Kendall and Joseph, Towards best practices in sociophonetics (with Marianna DiPaolo), 2014]. The amount of “noise” that can be tolerated for a given study will depend on the particular research goals and researchers’ preferences. Nonetheless, our study shows that, for certain large-scale applications and research goals, a completely automated approach using publicly available ASR can produce meaningful sociolinguistic results across large datasets, and these results can be generated quickly, efficiently, and with full replicability.

Social network cohesion and the retreat from Southern vowels in Raleigh

Network research in sociolinguistics suggests that integration in a local community network promotes speakers' retention of local linguistic variants in the context of pressure from external or standard dialects. In most sociolinguistic network research, a speaker is assigned a single score along an index representing the aggregate of several network and other social features. We propose that contemporary network methods in adjacent disciplines can profitably apply to sociolinguistics, thereby facilitating not only more generalizable quantitative analysis but also new questions about therelationalnature of linguistic variables. Two network analysis methods—cohesive blocking and Quadratic Assignment Procedure regression—are used to evaluate the social network factors shaping the retreat from the Southern Vowel Shift (SVS) in Raleigh, North Carolina. The data come from a 160-speaker subset of a conversational corpus. Significant network effects indicate that network proximity to Raleigh's urban core promotes retention of SVS features, and that network similarity between speakers corresponds to linguistic similarity. Contemporary social-network methods can contribute to linguistic analysis by providing a holistic picture of the community's structure. (Networks, sociophonetics, Southern Vowel Shift, dialect contact)*

Politics and dialect variation: A sociophonetic analysis of the Southern Vowel Shift in Middle TN

<p>Politics and dialect variation:<br />A sociophonetic analysis of the Southern Vowel Shift in Middle TN</p>

Urban rejection of the vernacular: The SVS undone

In Raleigh, North Carolina, a Southern U.S. city, five decades of in-migration of technology-sector workers from outside the South has resulted in large-scale contact between the local Southern dialect and non-Southern dialects. This paper investigates the speed and magnitude of the reversal of the Southern Vowel Shift (SVS) with respect to the five front vowels, using Trudgill's (1998) model of dialect contact as a framework. The data consist of conversational interviews with 59 white-collar Raleigh natives representing three generations, the first generation having reached adulthood before large-scale contact. Acoustic analysis shows that all vowels shift away from their Southern variants across apparent time. The leveling of SVS variants begins within the first generation to grow up after large-scale contact began, and contrary to predictions, this generation does not show wide inter- or intraspeaker variability. Previous studies of dialect contact and new dialect formation suggest that leveling of regional dialect features and the establishment of stable linguistic norms occurs more quickly when children have regular contact with one another. Dialect contact in Raleigh has occurred primarily within the middle and upper classes, the members of which are densely connected by virtue of schools and heavy economic segregation in neighborhood residence.