Verbal Number and Grammatical Relations in Tagle

In Tagle, verbal number, as realized by singular and plural stems, has not only aspectual functions in expressing single and multiple events. Verbal number also serves as a morphosyntactic device encoding specific grammatical relations : The selection of a singular or plural stem is sensitive to the number of the intransitive subject (S) and the transitive object (P) participant. In derived ditransitive applicative constructions, the stem selection depends on the semantic roles of the two object participants. When they are assigned the roles of Beneficiary (B) and Theme (T), it is the number of the direct object T (rather than the indirect/applied object B) which selects a singular or plural stem. When assigned the roles of Experiencer (Exp) and T, however, the Exp (rather than T) interacts with verbal number. When comparing the two ditransitive objects of the Beneficiary construction, B and T, to the object P and when taking their interaction with verbal number as parameter of the comparison, one finds that T and P (rather than B) interact with verbal number. The alignment of T with P and the non-alignment of B can be identified as indirect object construction, T = P ≠ B. However, when the Exp role is assigned to the indirect/applied object and the T role to the direct object, Exp (rather than T) selects the singular or plural stem, i.e. Exp behaves like P. This alignment pattern, Exp = P ≠ T, is known as secondary-object construction.

Review of Bantu applicative constructions

This is a review of Bantu applicative constructions by Sara Pacchiarotti. CSLI Publications, Stanford California.

From body part to applicative: Encoding ‘source’ in Murrinhpatha

Murrinhpatha (non-Pama-Nyungan, Australia) is typologically unusual in having a single applicative construction with the semantics of source/malefactive, but never benefactive. In this paper I discuss the development of this applicative from an incorporated body part meaning ‘hand’. I show that the applicative developed from a reanalysis of the external possession construction; and that the applicative morphology developed from the incorporated body part, rather than from a verbal or adpositional source. This contributes to our understanding of the typology of applicative constructions and also highlights the value in exploring the complex verbal constructions of polysynthetic languages to inform our understanding of grammaticalisation possibilities.

From classifiers to applicatives in Mojeño Trinitario: A new source for applicative markers

Well attested diachronic sources for applicative markers are adpositions and verbs. Nominal sources are regarded as dubious, although nouns have been argued to have developed into applicatives in some languages (such as Murrinhpatha, in Nordlinger (this issue). In this paper, I argue for a previously unreported source for applicatives, by presenting the possible applicative function of the classifiers of Mojeño Trinitario (Arawak, Bolivia), based on a large corpus of texts collected in the field. While classifiers within verbs derive prototypical applicative constructions, they show unusual properties as applicatives, namely in their semantics. The applicative markers are selected according to the physical properties of the referent of the applied object, rather than its semantic role within the sentence. And although most of the classifiers show no similarity to free nominal lexemes in the present state of the language, the classifiers found in Mojeño Trinitario verbs are very likely derived historically from nominal incorporation, a typical path of development. Mojeño Trinitario data offer new evidence for the possibility of elements derived from nouns to be reanalyzed as morphological applicative markers.

Differential object marking and object scrambling in the Guaraní language cluster

The parallel data discussed in this article suggest that in Guaraní languages differential objects seem far from being exclusively highlighted in morphology. Instead, the Guaraní dom systems exhibit a differential treatment of certain direct objects within narrow syntax. Focusing on [+animate] direct objects, I supply evidence that [+dom] direct objects scramble out of their base position into a higher, vP-internal, projection, namely αP (following López 2012). This short DO scrambling is derived including data from simple transitive, ditransitive, and applicative constructions as well as from object conjunction. The short scrambling within vP is followed by further direct object dislocation into a higher functional domain, an operation described in literature as triggered by φ-feature under T° and targeting a specifier in an expanded functional domain (Freitas 2011b). DOs that move out of their base position may be marked with the overt case marker, homophonous with dat case. The homophony between dat and dom is conceived as morphological opacity in the Guaraní case. Syntactically, however, [+dom] DOs pattern together with their zero-marked acc counterparts, rather than with indirect objects.

Applicatives

Applicative constructions (henceforth, “applicatives”) allow languages to express what otherwise would be expressed as an oblique participant as a core object participant. For instance, in Hakha Lai, a Tibeto-Burman language spoken in western Burma, a comitative participant (“with X”) may be obliquely marked, as in the sentence lawthlawpaa=hee ka-kal “I went with the farmer.” In this sentence an oblique comitative is expressed via the clitic postposition =hee (“with”). The verb stem kal “go” is prefixed with a first-person singular participant marker, ka-. Hakha Lai alternatively may express comitative participants by means of a bare, non-oblique object noun phrase, as in the sentence lawthlawpaa ka-kal-pii “I went with the farmer.” In this version, note that the verb is suffixed by -pii, the comitative applicative marker. We can refer to the object in the second sentence as the applicative object. The oblique comitative in the first sentence is syntactically distinct from a normal transitive object in many respects; the comitative in the second sentence, on the other hand, is syntactically identical to a normal transitive object. The term “applicative” is also used for cases in which only the verbally marked variant is possible, although not all researchers would regard such formations as true applicatives. More recently, the term “applicative” has been extended (in the Generative theoretical literature) to refer to other cases of constructions involving multiple objects, including instances where there is no verbal applicative marker and even instances where the objects in question do not bear the same case. Much of the research on applicatives has focused on aspects of their synchronic morphosyntax. In particular, treatments of the phenomenon in specific languages have concentrated on the status of the object that appears in the applicative with respect to an alternative oblique instantiation for such a participant and with respect to normal transitive objects. A further major issue has been the status of additional objects, including the object representing a P participant associated with the basic predicate, widely referred to as the base object, vis-à-vis an applicative object, or the object associated with the applicative marking morphology. A handful of studies have attempted to treat the grammaticalization sources for applicative constructions, in particular the morphology signaling the construction on the verb. Finally, a few studies have attempted to evaluate the function of applicatives in running discourse.

Western Austronesian Voice

Over the past four decades, the nature of western Austronesian voice—typically subcategorized as Philippine-type and Indonesian-type—has triggered considerable debate in the typological and syntactic literature. Central questions in these debates have been concerned with how voice alternations in western Austronesian languages interact with grammatical relations, transitivity, and syntactic alignment. In this review, we reassess the syntactic properties of voice alternations in western Austronesian languages, in some cases focusing on more controversial alternations, including the putative antipassive and applicative constructions in Philippine-type languages and the passive constructions in Indonesian-type languages. We discuss reasons that favor a valency-neutral approach to western Austronesian voice and evidence against a valency-changing and/or ergative approach to the analysis of these languages.

Applicatives in Ya̧g Dii: Morphological and syntactic implications

Ya̧g Dii (Niger-Congo/Adamawa-Ubangi, Cameroon) has two applicative constructions: a benefactive/malefactive construction, and a comitative/instrumental (‘accompaniment’) construction. The benefactive/malefactive construction licenses the addition of an indirect object with a benefactive, malefactive, or other goal-like role. The construction is often marked by the verbal extension -D; notably, however, an indirect object with a benefactive/malefactive role can appear even if the applicative extension is absent, with a tendency for a benefactive reading to be associated with the presence of the affix, and a malefactive reading with the absence of the affix. The accompaniment applicative construction is always marked by the verbal extension -N, which attaches to an intransitive or transitive stem and marks the presence of an accompanier of the applied clause subject. Unlike the usual situation with applicatives, where the ‘applied’ argument bears a core argument role, the applied argument in the accompaniment applicative construction appears as an oblique dependent of the verb. We discuss the complicated verbal morphology used to express benefactive and comitative/instrumental applicatives, and the syntactic realization of the applied argument in each type.

Conclusion

This chapter summarizes the major points developed throughout the book. The theoretical points of the syntax of events proposed in Chapter 2 are listed. The conclusions on the syntax of English and Chinese resultatives, applicative constructions in various languages, and Chinese non-canonical object and motion event constructions are presented, together with the implications for the verb/satellite-framed typology. The explanation of diachronic change and cross-linguistic variation is summarized, including both the historical development of Chinese resultatives, the variation of resultatives between Chinese and English on the one hand, and English and Romance on the other hand. The Synchronic Grammaticalisation Hypothesis is also summarized.