Listeners are initially flexible in updating phonetic beliefs over time: A replication and replacement of Saltzman and Myers (2018)

Perceptual learning serves as a mechanism for listeners to adapt to novel phonetic information. Distributional tracking theories posit that this adaptation occurs as a result of listeners accumulating talker-specific distributional information about the phonetic category in question (Kleinschmidt & Jaeger, 2015). What is not known is how listeners build these talker-specific distributions; that is, if they aggregate all information received over a certain time period, or if they rely more heavily upon the most recent information received and down-weight older, consolidated information. In the present experiment, listeners were exposed to four interleaved blocks of a lexical decision task and a phonetic categorization task in which the lexical decision blocks were designed to bias perception in opposite directions of a “s”-“sh” contrast. Listeners returned several days later and completed the identical task again. In each individual session, listener’s perception of a “s”-“sh” contrast was biased by the information in the immediately preceding lexical decision block (though only when participants heard the “sh”-biasing block first, which was likely driven by stimulus characteristics). There was evidence that listeners accrued information about the talker over time since the bias effect diminished in the second session. In general, results suggest that listeners initially maintain some flexibility with their talker-specific phonetic representations, but over the course of several exposures begin to consolidate these representations.Note: This article is a replication and replacement of Saltzman and Myers (2018), which was retracted after the authors discovered an error in stimulus presentation during the phonetic categorization task.

Phonetic categorization ability and vocabulary size contribute to the encoding of difficult second-language phonological contrasts into the lexicon

This study investigated the contribution of second-language (L2) phonetic categorization abilities and vocabulary size to the phonolexical encoding of challenging non-native phonological contrasts into the L2 lexicon. Two groups of German learners of English differing in L2 proficiency (advanced vs. intermediate) participated in an English lexical decision task including words and nonwords with /ɛ/ and /æ/ (/æ/ does not exist in German), an /ɛ/-/æ/ phonetic categorization task and an English vocabulary test. Results showed that the effects of phonetic categorization and vocabulary size on lexical decision performance were modulated by proficiency: categorization predicted /ɛ/-/æ/ nonword rejection accuracy for intermediate learners, whereas vocabulary did so for advanced learners. This suggests that sufficient phonetic identification ability is key for an accurate phonological representation of difficult L2 phones, but, for learners for whom robust phonetic identification is already in place, their ultimate success is tightly linked to their vocabulary size in the L2.

Lexical Information Guides Retuning of Neural Patterns in Perceptual Learning for Speech

A listener's interpretation of a given speech sound can vary probabilistically from moment to moment. Previous experience (i.e., the contexts in which one has encountered an ambiguous sound) can further influence the interpretation of speech, a phenomenon known as perceptual learning for speech. This study used multivoxel pattern analysis to query how neural patterns reflect perceptual learning, leveraging archival fMRI data from a lexically guided perceptual learning study conducted by Myers and Mesite [Myers, E. B., & Mesite, L. M. Neural systems underlying perceptual adjustment to non-standard speech tokens. Journal of Memory and Language, 76, 80–93, 2014]. In that study, participants first heard ambiguous /s/–/∫/ blends in either /s/-biased lexical contexts ( epi_ ode) or /∫/-biased contexts ( refre_ing); subsequently, they performed a phonetic categorization task on tokens from an /asi/–/a∫i/ continuum. In the current work, a classifier was trained to distinguish between phonetic categorization trials in which participants heard unambiguous productions of /s/ and those in which they heard unambiguous productions of /∫/. The classifier was able to generalize this training to ambiguous tokens from the middle of the continuum on the basis of individual participants' trial-by-trial perception. We take these findings as evidence that perceptual learning for speech involves neural recalibration, such that the pattern of activation approximates the perceived category. Exploratory analyses showed that left parietal regions (supramarginal and angular gyri) and right temporal regions (superior, middle, and transverse temporal gyri) were most informative for categorization. Overall, our results inform an understanding of how moment-to-moment variability in speech perception is encoded in the brain.

Distributional learning is error-driven: the role of surprise in the acquisition of phonetic categories

Much previous research on distributional learning and phonetic categorization assumes that categories are either faithful reproductions or parametric summaries of experienced frequency distributions, acquired through a Hebbian learning process in which every experience contributes equally to the category representation. We suggest that category representations may instead be formed via error-driven predictive learning. Rather than passively storing tagged category exemplars or updating parametric summaries of token counts, learners actively anticipate upcoming events and update their beliefs in proportion to how surprising/unexpected these events turn out to be. As a result, rare category members exert a disproportionate influence on the category representation. We present evidence for this hypothesis from a distributional learning experiment on acquiring a novel phonetic category, and show that the results are well described by a classic error-driven learning model (Rescorla, R. A. & A. R. Wagner. 1972. A theory of Pavlovian conditioning: Variations in the effectiveness of reinforcement and nonreinforcement. In A. H. Black & W. F. Prokasy (eds.), Classical conditioning II: Current research and theory, 64–99. New York, NY: Appleton-Century-Crofts).