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2021 ◽  
Vol 12 (4) ◽  
pp. 272-281
Author(s):  
Volodymyr Bekh ◽  
Alla Yaroshenko ◽  
Volodymyr Muliar ◽  
Olena Stepanova ◽  
Tetiana Artimonova

The COVID-19 pandemic has defined new vectors for the development of the world community and social institutions. At the same time, the impact of the pandemic crisis on the evolution of civil society may differ significantly in the national (tactical) and global (strategic) dimensions. If at the national level there is a likely expansion of the space for public activism (medical volunteering, social assistance, etc.), then globally it is threatened by the de-intensification of international non-governmental cooperation and attempts to revise civil rights and freedoms. Today it is no longer possible to name a single area of ​​public life that has not been affected by the coronavirus pandemic. Directly or indirectly, the consequences of the worldwide spread of the COVID-19 virus are experienced by everyone - government authorities, large and small businesses, citizens of the vast majority of countries. It would not be an exaggeration to say that the future of each of the social actors is largely determined today, depending on the adequacy of the response to the pandemic crisis, the ability to absorb its most painful manifestations, and, possibly, find new opportunities for development in this difficult situation. The aim of the article is to investigate the vectors of influence of the coronavirus pandemic as a factor of deformation of social time and space in the conditions of postmodern society.


2021 ◽  
Vol 292 ◽  
pp. 03035
Author(s):  
Wang Shunyu

With the development of economy, the attention of ecological environment is increasing day by day, and the ecological environment has its special integrity, which makes the local governments cooperate in governance. Local governments for environmental protection industry and environmental division and governance program differences and local responsibilities and other issues, environmental governance intergovernmental cooperation is facing difficulties. Through the establishment of shared interests, strengthening incentives, changing models to create a new inter-governmental governance path, mining suitable for China’s current development of inter-governmental cooperation environmental governance path, to promote the benign development of environmental protection industry governance advice.


2020 ◽  
pp. 1-22
Author(s):  
Ian Hurd

Abstract The idea that international law and institutions represent cooperative means for resolving inter-state disputes is so common as to be almost taken for granted in International Relations scholarship. Global-governance scholars often use the terms international law and cooperation interchangeably and treat legalization as a subset of the broader category of inter-governmental cooperation. This paper highlights the methodological and substantive problems that follow from equating ‘global governance’ with ‘international cooperation’ and suggests an alternative. The traditional model applies liberal political theory to the study of international institutions and interprets global governance as the realization of shared interests. It deflects research away from questions about trade-offs and winners or losers. In place of cooperation theory, I outline an overtly political methodology that assumes that governance – global or otherwise – necessarily favors some interests over others. In scholarship, the difference is evident in research methods, normative interpretation, and policy recommendations, as research is reoriented toward understanding how international institutions redistribute inequalities of wealth and power.


2019 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 62
Author(s):  
Mohd Bin Samsudin

Malaysia inherited the legacy of the famous maritime empire of Srivijaya and Malacca Sultanate. Before western imperialism come, the Malay community in the region, especially in the Strait of Malacca enjoy a close relationship, regardless of borders. Historical experience binds the role and importance of maritime as a priority in realizing the relations between the people of Malaysia and Indonesia before the independence of the two countries which established inter-community interdependence. In fact, this interdependence that has enriched people's lives in economics and culture. Western colonialism had broken the ties of society when the borders were set up by them. But after the two countries became independent, there was an effort to re-establish a relationship based on historical and cultural experiences. Despite the experience of love and sorrow, the fact is that the priority to strengthen relations with Indonesia has never been forgotten by Malaysian leaders. Various efforts have been made in the field of economic, social,and cultural cooperation including IMT-GT. Communication and cultural cooperation between the two countries. The economic difficulties encountered during the financial crisis of the late 1990s, by sharing common experiences have strengthened leaders' confidence to prioritize intergenerational integration. Using the Collective Memory method, this paper will examinehistorical and cultural experiences as the basis for closer relationships. Furthermore, it will discuss Malaysia's efforts to strengthen and prosper the people of both countries through various means, especially ASEAN, IMT-GT economic development cooperation, SIJORI, inter-governmental cooperation, and inter-community cooperation that took place during Prime Minister Tun Abdul Razak's leadership and Tun Dr. Mahathir Mohamad.


Legal Studies ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 39 (4) ◽  
pp. 555-578
Author(s):  
Billy A Melo Araujo

AbstractThis paper examines the role to be played by the devolved administrations in the negotiation, conclusion and implementation of trade agreements concluded by the UK post-Brexit. By examining, from a comparative perspective, examples of collaborative frameworks between sub-national entities and central governments established in federal jurisdictions, it proposes a significant reform of existing inter-governmental cooperation mechanisms to ensure that the devolved administrations are given a meaningful voice in the shaping of future trade agreements.


2017 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 68-109 ◽  
Author(s):  
Morten Meyerhoff Nielsen

The use of Information Communication Technology (ICT) by the public sector is often highlighted as a key tool for the transformation of public sector service delivery. Recent literature reviews have highlighted the limited understanding of the role played by governance, inter-governmental decision making and cooperation when introducing ICT solutions and online services to citizens. As part of a larger qualitative, multi-country comparison, this article compares the Danish and Japanese approaches to electronic governance (eGovernance) and inter-governmental cooperation to answer the question: Does a strong governance model and high level of intergovernmental action lead to the successful supply and use of online citizen services? The analysis finds that the two cases support academic arguments in favour of a strong eGovernance model and a high level of inter-governmental cooperation and decision making.  The article finds that a political- or public sector-driven and motivated public sector modernisation, a consensus seeking and an inter-governmental approach to eGovernment, trust between actors, and the role of formal and informal are important determinants for success, as illustrated by the continued strength of the Danish governance and joint-governmental cooperation model over the more fragmented Japanese approach. Still, both countries would benefit from a more holistic approach to service delivery, process, and organisational reengineering in order to progress further.The analysis finds that the two cases support academic arguments in favour of a strong eGovernance model and a high level of inter-governmental cooperation and decision making.  The article finds that a political- or public sector-driven and motivated public sector modernisation, a consensus seeking and an inter-governmental approach to eGovernment, trust between actors, and the role of formal and informal are important determinants for success, as illustrated by the continued strength of the Danish governance and joint-governmental cooperation model over the more fragmented Japanese approach. Still, both countries would benefit from a more holistic approach to service delivery, process, and organisational reengineering in order to progress further. 


Author(s):  
Violeta Moreno-Lax

Until the foundation of Frontex (and the current EBCG), operational border management was subject to limited inter-governmental cooperation between the Member States. Therefore, the introduction of a supranational structure for the coordination of control and surveillance activities constitutes a crucial development. The agency has undergone profound changes, reflected in a substantial expansion of funds, human resources, and powers since becoming operational back in 2005. This chapter analyses the structure, role, and functioning of the current European Border and Coast Guard (as Frontex is now named). Special attention is paid to joint maritime operations carried out under the auspices of the agency, either by the Member States alone or in cooperation with third countries. These activities involve the detection and interdiction of persons at sea with important ramifications for their fundamental rights related to access to protection. The impact of these initiatives on refugee flows is specifically addressed in a separate section.


2017 ◽  
Vol 26 (2) ◽  
pp. 115-133 ◽  
Author(s):  
Katharina Koch

The economic sanctions in the wake of the Ukrainian crisis threatened external cross-border cooperation (CBC) funded by the European Neighbourhood Instrument (ENI) in the summer of 2014. The European Union considered several of the ENI CBC programmes that Finland and Russia participate in for the sanctions list. These programmes are implemented by a multiplicity of actors that include supra-national, national and regional authorities and form a dense actor-network with vertical and horizontal relations. The political relations between the actors are influenced by geopolitical discourses, bordering effects and power imbalances that are conceptualised in this paper as practices of territoriality. Previous research has insufficiently addressed the territoriality of actor relations within the multi-level governance (MLG) structures of CBC. Territoriality is present in MLG in the sense that CBC actors from various political levels significantly contribute to the territorial logic of political power by promoting their own interests towards cooperation practices. The research problem in this paper stems from the alleged non-hierarchical organisation of actors in CBC and argues that MLG policy structures do not render equality among the different actors and that they fail to consider the impact of territoriality. The paper investigates how territoriality influences the actor relations in the MLG structure of ENI CBC and how the actors cope with the frictions that emerge out of territoriality. Qualitative interviews reveal a conflicting system of governance in Finnish–Russian ENI CBC that fluctuates between state centrality and region-based initiatives to address frictions of various territorialit(ies) produced by actors.


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