National Minorities in the Post-Revolutionary Era

This study looks into Ukraine’s minority politics after the Revolution of Dignity of 2014. It analyses the inclusivity of minority politics against three key parameters – institutional framework, dialogue mechanisms, and non-discriminatory policies. The research is conducted through an in-depth comparison analysis of minority politics of two post-revolutionary presidents – Petro Poroshenko (full term) and Volodymyr Zelenskyi (first two years). The conclusion is made that the political elites failed to drive an inclusive course towards ethno-linguistic minorities. The inclusivity along the three criteria has been provided impetus either on ad-hoc basis or not at all. On the level of policies, a regression can be observed. The underlying cause for the state not succeeding in achieving an inclusive minority course is that the two administrations had predominantly divergent motives for addressing this topic. As a result, the implementation of some inclusivity-oriented measures suffered and the minority-related discourse became highly politicized.

The Right to Language and its Contemporary Significance for New Zealand

<p>The right of linguistic minorities to speak their own language in community with other members of their group (the right to language) is deserving of specific attention for two reasons. Firstly, language is the currency of communication and one of the key indicia of cultural identity; and secondly, ensuring minorities have a secure place within a State is pivotal to promoting peace and stability within a nation. There are three sources of the right to language in New Zealand : the International Covenant on Civil and Political rights, the New Zealand Bill of Rights Act 1990, and the Treaty of Waitangi (for the Maori and Moriori languages). The right to language protects against both direct action by the State to limit linguistic minorities' use of their language. and State neglect of a minority language. This paper explores the right to language in the New Zealand context including the sources and elements of the right to language; the application of the right to the Maori language (and what lessons can be learned from this experience for the Moriori language); and two modes of revitalisation of minority languages: official recognition and television broadcasting. The paper observes that while the steps to improve language acquisition and use of the Maori language are admirable and need to continue to secure a meaningful place for that language in New Zealand, the Moriori language is in serious jeopardy and in need of urgent attention. Finally, the paper examines whether the principles of the Treaty of Waitangi may provide sound guidance for the consideration of the place of minority languages in policy and law making in New Zealand.</p>

The Right to Language and its Contemporary Significance for New Zealand

<p>The right of linguistic minorities to speak their own language in community with other members of their group (the right to language) is deserving of specific attention for two reasons. Firstly, language is the currency of communication and one of the key indicia of cultural identity; and secondly, ensuring minorities have a secure place within a State is pivotal to promoting peace and stability within a nation. There are three sources of the right to language in New Zealand : the International Covenant on Civil and Political rights, the New Zealand Bill of Rights Act 1990, and the Treaty of Waitangi (for the Maori and Moriori languages). The right to language protects against both direct action by the State to limit linguistic minorities' use of their language. and State neglect of a minority language. This paper explores the right to language in the New Zealand context including the sources and elements of the right to language; the application of the right to the Maori language (and what lessons can be learned from this experience for the Moriori language); and two modes of revitalisation of minority languages: official recognition and television broadcasting. The paper observes that while the steps to improve language acquisition and use of the Maori language are admirable and need to continue to secure a meaningful place for that language in New Zealand, the Moriori language is in serious jeopardy and in need of urgent attention. Finally, the paper examines whether the principles of the Treaty of Waitangi may provide sound guidance for the consideration of the place of minority languages in policy and law making in New Zealand.</p>

Political Discourse in the Maghreb: An Analysis of Amazigh Identity in Algeria and Morocco

The Imazighen (plural of Amazigh) are an indigenous group primarily located in Northern and Western Africa. While Amazigh communities are present across the Maghreb, the role of Amazigh identity in Morocco and Algeria is of particular interest given each country's distinct treatment of ethnic and linguistic minorities. In Algeria, Amazigh identity is not as overtly politicized as in Morocco, wherein Amazigh communities are often at the forefront of public discourses and are often scapegoated as a source of political instability. Compared to Morocco, Algerian Imazighen generally experience higher acceptance levels due to numerous social, political, historical, and geographic factors that underpin the treatment and perceptions of Amazighté in Morocco and Algeria today. This article analyzes Algeria and Morocco's respective independence movements, political systems, language laws, and geographic topography to link the contemporary role of Amazigh identity to each national setting's unique history, politics, and geography.

Regionalist Movements in Contemporary Switzerland: Ticino and Bernese Jura Cases

The article looks into characteristics of regionalist movements in contemporary Switzerland. The authors try to answer the question why, despite the stability of federal relations in Switzerland and the existence of institutions representing the interests of the regions, there are regionalist movements in the canton of Ticino and the Bernese Jura, and why only in these two regions? The study is based on open data on the political and socio-economic characteristics of the regions, as well as on materials of research interviews with representatives of movements and experts. The study analyzes the cases of the regionalist movements of the League of Ticino and the Groupe Bélier in the Bernese Jura. The results point to the similarities of the movements: linguistic minorities surrounded by a German-speaking majority, accumulation of similar contradictions over the years. The regionalism of the League of Ticino stands out in the context of other parties; the League has made the regionalist agenda a platform for promoting right-wing demands without being marginalized in the political space. The Groupe Bélier, from the point of view of regionalist demands, is distinguished by a weak visibility of its agenda in political parties’ programmes.

Social Exclusion Among Official Language Minority Older Adults: A Rapid Review of the Literature in Canada, Finland and Wales

It has been suggested that older adults from minority linguistic and ethnic communities face higher risks of being socially excluded. The aim of this review was, therefore, to explore and review social exclusion studies conducted among official language minority older adults in three countries, namely Canada, Finland and Wales. A rapid review approach was used to review scientific literature in line with six social exclusion domains. The literature searches were made in Finnish, Swedish, English, French and Welsh and were restricted to research published within the timeline of 2001 – September 2019 and yielded 42 articles. The included studies were categorized into three different domains: socioeconomic influences, social participation and societal conditions. Converging and diverging patterns of social exclusion in old age were identified between the linguistic minorities. Linguistic barriers regarding access to health care and receiving health information were common across the three linguistic contexts, whereas exclusion from social participation was noticed amongst the linguistic minorities in Canada and Wales. Some connections between belonging to a linguistic minority and being exposed to a lower socioeconomic status and higher poverty risk were made, however, these findings were not robust across all three countries. The findings indicated that experiences of exclusion could be considered fairly common among linguistic minority older adults. We conclude that the research evidence presented in the review sheds light on issues of social inequality in old age between linguistic majorities and minorities, thus identifying important aspects of social exclusion to guide future research as well as policy and practice.

Direct Democracy and the Rights of Cultural Minorities in Swiss

The minorities in Switzerland are in the first place ethno-linguistic minorities, whose are unified by a common language. Therefore, since the foundation of the Confederation in 1848 the Helvetic state has been considered a multilingual country. The confederation and cantons are obliged to protect linguistic minorities. The grounds of the Swiss social structure, with traditional multiculturalism and four national languages are two principles: language freedom (Sprachenfreiheit) and territoriality (Territorialitätsprinzip). Switzerland has no official state religion. Predominant religion is Christianity, the largest religious minorities is established by Islam. The largest Christian denominations are Catholic Church (37.7%) and Swiss Reformed Church (25.5%). The influx of new cultural minorities to Switzerland began after the Second World War and was directly connected with economic migration, with the large influx of gastarbeiters from southern European countries and refugees from the Third World and from the former Yugoslavia.International law includes the protection of national, yet not cultural minorities. In Switzerland the protection of national minorities is also based on international standards. Is the Swiss multiculturalism an example for other countries?