Adaptation in Predictive Prosodic Processing in Bilinguals

Native language listeners engage in predictive processing in many processing situations and adapt their predictive processing to the statistics of the input. In contrast, second language listeners engage in predictive processing in fewer processing situations. The current study uses eye-tracking data from two experiments in bilinguals’ native language (L1) and second language (L2) to explore their predictive processing based on contrastive pitch accent cues, and their adaptation in the face of prediction errors. The results of the first experiment show inhibition effects for unpredicted referents in both the L1 and the L2 that can be modeled with a Bayesian adaptation model, suggesting that bilinguals adapt their prediction in the face of prediction errors in a way that is compatible with the model. In contrast, the results of the second experiment, after a training phase that increased the predictive validity of the cue, show inhibition effects for unpredicted referents only in the L1, but not in the L2. In addition, the Bayesian adaptation model significantly predicts only the L1, but not the L2 data. The results are discussed with respect to adaptation to the statistical properties of the input.

Pathological Prosody

Prosody in speech arises from fundamental frequency (f0), temporal measures, amplitude, and voice quality. These parameters in various combinations signal linguistic, emotional-attitudinal, and personal identity information. Prosodic processing engages cortical, subcortical, cerebellar, and brainstem systems, and damage to any of these can result in dysprosody. Despite the crucial role played by prosody in communication, little attention has been paid to clinical evaluation and even less to treatment. Numerous research studies of deficient emotional prosodic production and recognition reveal temporal deficits in association with left hemisphere damage and pitch processing failure in right hemisphere damage. Limited attempts at linguistic-prosodic testing suggest that damage to either cerebral hemisphere or to subcortical systems can affect production as well as comprehension. Treatment of linguistic dysprosody has revealed challenges in protocol design and performance evaluation. Prosodic insufficiency, present in cortical, subcortical, and cerebellar disease, has substantial implications for communicative function and deserves to be a strong focus of future research.

Prosodic processing in sentences with ‘only’ in L1 and L2 English

This paper reports on an EEG study on the processing of prosodic cues to contrast in sentences with 'only' in Dutch learners of English and native speakers of English.

PROSODY FACILITATES MEMORY RECALL IN L1 BUT NOT IN L2 IN HIGHLY PROFICIENT LISTENERS

Prosody is crucial for language comprehension because it highlights underlying structures. This study explores whether prosody facilitates memory recall to the same extent in L1 and L2, and whether memory recall is poorer in L2 or whether language-specific differences can mitigate L2 processing difficulties. Nineteen Greek learners of English, and a monolingual English baseline, repeated three-digit chunks with and without prosodic cues in L1 and L2. Prosody was a major facilitator of memory recall only in L1 despite the high proficiency of learners. This indicates that L2 mastery of prosody perception is hard to attain, mirroring production studies. However, when prosodic boundary cues were absent, memory recall in L2 was comparable to L1. This demonstrates that language-specific differences can attenuate more general processing difficulties in L2. This study is the first to demonstrate differences in prosodic processing in L1 and L2 resulting in poorer memory recall in L2.

What rhythmic perception and amusia can tell us about vocal social communication in schizophrenia

ABSTRACTBackgroundPerceiving social intent throughvocal intonation is impaired in schizophrenia; thisdysprosodia partly arisingfrom impaired pitch perception.Individuals with amusia (tone-deafness) are insensitive to pitch change andalso demonstrate prosody deficits. Sensitivity to rhythm is reduced in amusia when tonal sequences contain pitch changes (polytonic), but is normal for monotonic sequences, suggesting perceptual impairment originates at a secondary processing stage where pitch- and time-relatedcues are yoked. Here, we sought to ascertain: 1) whether schizophreniapatients demonstrate rhythmic deficits, 2) whether suchdeficits are restricted to polytonic sequences, and 3) how pitch and rhythm perception relate to prosodic processing.MethodsSeventy-sixparticipants (33 schizophrenia) completed tasks assessing pitch and prosody perception, as well as monotonic and polytonic rhythmic perception.ResultsIncreasing tone-deafness correlated with pitch-dependent rhythm detection impairments. Pitch and prosody correlated across all participants. Schizophreniapatients displayed basic time and pitch deficits. Correlations and path analyses indicated prosodic processing is an associatedfunction of pitch and pitch-dependent rhythm perception,with pure temporal processing playing an indirect role.In schizophrenia, deficits in monotonic and polytonic rhythmic perception did not contribute to prosodic processing dysfunction, and montonic rhythmic dysfunction and pitch perception did not covary.ConclusionsExploring similarities between amusia and schizophrenia focused our characterization of prosodic processing as the function of sub-processes reflecting pitch and time perception,whichare prerequisite for prosodic processing. The uniqueness of dysprosodia in schizophrenia relative to other illnesses may be measured by idiosyncrasy in the pattern and magnitude of the sub-process task relationships.