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2021 ◽  
Vol 80 (1) ◽  
pp. 99-112
Author(s):  
Evan Nicoll-Johnson

In the early fourth century CE, after the escalation of a series of succession disputes among the imperial Sima clan, the Jin dynasty collapsed and its capital city of Luoyang 洛陽 was destroyed. However, the end of the dynasty did not cause the Sima clan to fall from power entirely. Instead, the Jin dynasty was reestablished in the new capital of Jiankang 建康, the city known today as Nanjing. The earlier incarnation of the Jin would come to be known as the Western Jin dynasty, while the restored Jin dynasty is referred to as the Eastern Jin. The impact of this cataclysm on the inhabitants of Luoyang and the surrounding regions is difficult to quantify, and even harder to understand in more personal terms. We know that many of those who did not perish fled to the southeast, crossing the Yangzi River to resettle in the new capital. Later texts refer to this period as “The disorder of the Yongjia Reign” (Yongjia zhi luan 永嘉之亂). This epithet uses the imperial reign name given to the period between 307 and 313, even though the disasters did not neatly begin and end with those years. Although the Yongjia troubles are addressed throughout surviving historiographic material, there is no work of history dedicated to documenting the ensuing exodus from Luoyang to Jiankang.


Author(s):  
Ch. Ts. Tsyrenov ◽  

The article briefly reviews information about the first northern campaign (354 AD) of a prominent dignitary and general of the Eastern Jin Empire (317 – 420 AD) named Huan Wen (312–373 AD) against the Northern Chinese “barbarian” kingdom of Former Qin (351 – 395 AD) with its capital in Chang'an. As a result of the historical-biographical and historicalgeographical analysis of the reviewed information on this campaign, it was revealed that the unsuccessful outcome of the initially successful campaign of Huan Wen was due to the factional struggle between the Jingzhou and Yangzhou groups of the Eastern Jin nobility, as well as the general degradation of the central government apparatus.


2020 ◽  
Vol 15 (6) ◽  
pp. 189-197
Author(s):  
Tsyrenov Chingis Ts. ◽  

The article shows the history of the heyday and decline of the four highest clans of the Southern Chinese Eastern Jin dynasty (Wang, Xie, Yu and Huan clans), which alternately with varying degrees of success acted as the second most powerful clan in the entire Eastern Jin Empire when the central power ceased to be a self-sufficient force and badly needed the support of noble clans (strong houses). The purpose of the study is to identify the main factors of the political longevity of the highest clans of the period under review. The methodology of this study includes the method of prosopographic and historical-genetic analysis of the four highest clans of the Eastern Jin era, between which there was a continuous and merciless political struggle for the highest civil and military posts in the Eastern Jin Empire. The perspective of clan issues and inter-clan relations in Jin history lies in the possibility of a detailed reconstruction of the specific historical context of the most important events in the history of China in the 4th‒5th centuries AD and will contribute to the development of elitology of early medieval China. As a result of the analysis of the history of the development of the four clans, it was concluded that the Wang clan achieved the greatest success during the Eastern Jin period, which was able to move from the local level of politics to the level of the Eastern Jin Empire. The very factor of the clan structures of Chinese society had a significant double impact on the historical and political process of the period of the Jin Empire, as well as the era of the Southern and Northern dynasties in general. The duality lies in the fact that, on the one hand, the continuous strife between the regional branches of the Sima clan (the revolt of the eight princes) undermined the basis of the power of the all-Chinese empire of Western Jin from the inside, and on the other hand, the same clan structures in combination with rather strong compatriot ties (the alliance of the regional branch of the ruling Clan Sima and the local noble clan Wang) allowed the ruling house of Sima to retain supreme power and minimized the loss of the Chinese ethnos in a troubled and turbulent era. The system of the highest clans of the Jin era, in fact, developed as a result of the abandonment of the Han institute of examinations for officials, which prevented the highest clans from distributing among themselves the most important posts in the empire. Keywords: Western Jin, Eastern Jin, South China, higher clans, examination institute, nine-rank report card, prosopographic analysis


2020 ◽  
Vol 74 (4) ◽  
pp. 1013-1079
Author(s):  
Rafael Suter

Abstract This paper attempts to delineate the relation of early Chinese views on vision and visuality to nascent reflections on painting arising in the Early Medieval period. Ever since that time, pictorial creativity has been associated with Buddhist ideas of spiritual perfection. Likewise, the Early Medieval concern for the visualization of spiritual journeys to exceptional humans (and superhumans) through imaginary landscapes seems to be of Buddhist origin. The first part of this paper gives a short sketch of the intellectual landscape in which theorizing on painting since the 5th century CE first arose. The main body of the study, consisting of parts two through five, close readings of pre-Buddhist texts on vision and imagination. From these exploratory investigations it emerges that the very terms that are key in early reflections on painting such as ‘spirit’ (shen 神), ‘perspicacity’ (ming 明), but also ‘imagination’ (xiang 想) and ‘symbol’ (xiang 象) are closely related to a specific conception of seeing and visuality which is manifest in these texts. A final part sketches the possible relevance of these observations in early and pre-imperial sources for the interpretation of Chinese theories on painting. It emerges that while the rising interest in imagination since the Eastern Jin period is indeed an innovation inspired by Buddhism, the extraordinary role of the notion of ‘spirit’ in reflections about painting is closely related to earlier autochthonous traditions. The appeal to specifically Buddhist notions such as the samādhi of free play in texts on pictorial production and contemplation appears to be of a secondary character. It seems to be mediated by the inclusion of the very word ‘spirit’ (shen) into Chinese renderings of technical Buddhist terms related to meditation, which resulted in the implicit association of this specialist vocabulary with inherited conceptions of spirit as a luminous force animating, inspiring and enlightening things, in both quite a literal and in a rather metaphorical sense.


2020 ◽  
Vol 2020 (10-4) ◽  
pp. 216-225
Author(s):  
Leonid Yangutov ◽  
Marina Orbodoeva

The article is devoted to the history of Buddhism in China during the period of the Southern and Northern Kingdoms (Nanbeichao, 386-589). The features of the development of Buddhism in the North and South are shown. Three aspects were identified: 1) the attitude of emperors of kingdoms to Buddhism; 2) the relationship of the state apparatus and the Buddhist sangha; 3) the process of further development of Buddhism in China in the context of its adaptation to the Chinese mentality, formed on the basis of the traditional worldview. It was revealed that Buddhism in the context of its adaptation to the Chinese mentality, both in the North and in the South, developed with the traditions of Buddhism of the Eastern Jin period to the same extent.


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