Murderous Masculinities the Early Republic of Charles Brockden Brown’s Wieland

This essay examines Charles Brockden Brown’s first novel, Wieland (1798), particularly as it engages and critiques gender and nationalism in the fictive treatment of familicidal murders that took place in the eighteenth century. More broadly, Brown’s novel highlights the competing realities facing men and women in the early republic, as they navigated the shifting landscape of political and religious ideology in the turbulence of post-Revolutionary America. A close examination of Wieland offers a revealing glimpse into the tensions between patriarchy and femininity, republicanism and religion, and competing masculinities in the newly born republic that was limitlessly optimistic even as it was beset by national and familial violence.

Kitab Kuning Dan Konstruk Nalar Pesantren

Berbagai tantangan yang dihadapi pesantren, khususnya terkait dengan pengembangan kajian keilmuan dalam rangka menjawab persoalan-persoalan kontemporer umat Islam di Indonesia. Isu HAM, Gender, dan dan nasionalisme, misalnya, menjadi tantang besar bagi kalangan pesantren untuk menjawab dan emmcahkan problem kebangsaan tersebut. Namun, jika pesantren hanya mengandalkan literatur kitab klasik apalagi dengan metodologi pengkajian yang bersifat tradisional sebagaimana yang selama ini dikembangkan, maka persoalan-persoalan di atas tidak terjawab dengan baik. Kajian keilmuan di pesantren harus lebih memberikan porsi besar bagi pengembangan kajian keislaman dengan corak burhani. Demokrasi hanya bisa tegak dengan berlakunya supremasi hukum. Hukum memiliki logika dan rasionalitas-nya, yang itu bisa dikembangkan dengan mengkaji lebih banyak ushul fiqh dan manthiq. Dengan mensinergiskan tiga nalar, bayani, burhani, dan irfani, pesantren akan mampu menghadapi tuntutan zaman. Untuk itu, pesantren perlu merumuskan kurikulum kajian keislaman secara lebih serius dan sistematis dengan memepertimbangkan porsi masing-masing nalar tersebut. The various challenges faced by pesantren, especially those related to the development of scientific studies in the context of answering contemporary problems of Muslims in Indonesia. The issues of human rights (HAM), gender, and nationalism, for example, are a big challenge for pesantren to answer and solve this national problem. However, if the pesantren only relies on classical literature, let alone the traditional methodology of study as it has been developed, then the above problems will not be answered properly. Scientific studies in Islamic boarding schools should provide a greater portion for the development of Islamic studies with a burhani style. Democracy can only be upheld by the enactment of the rule of law. Law has its logic and rationality, which can be developed by studying more ushul fiqh and manthiq. By synergizing the three reasons, bayani, burhani, and irfani, pesantren will be able to face the demands of the times. For this reason, Islamic boarding schools need to formulate a more serious and systematic curriculum for Islamic studies by considering the respective portions of reasoning.

Ethnic nationalism and gendered morality in the semiotic construction of the Moro language of Sudan

This paper brings together discussions on language and nationalism, with gender and nationalism. Drawing from ‘language ideology’ and ‘indexical gender’ from a linguistic anthropological approach, it traces the emergence of the “Moro language”, in the context of a Moro ethnic national movement, originating in the Nuba Mountains of Sudan, and how it became indexically linked with masculine authority. Moro identify as Nuba and Christian, as opposed to Arab and Muslim, the dominant identities. Christian literacy, spearheaded by patriarchal leadership became the frame through which Moro organized ethnic identity and unity. The constructed language, as the object of metapragmatic evaluation, is also tightly woven into norms of morality and gender within the community. Two registers are identified: textuality is normatively masculine and orality is normatively feminine. The Moro community draws on gendered ideologies to produce a new writing and speaking style, the “Moro Bible Language” (MBL). MBL results from the interweaving of the two registers in language standardization practices. Negotiating the ideologies that bring MBL to life occurs in metalinguistic discourse, teaching, learning and speaking styles. Since the politics of standardization are foregrounded, even seeming apolitical projects are laden with moral worth in the turbulent context of rapid cultural change.

Gender and Nationalism

Nationalism has long been understood to be a deeply gendered phenomenon. This article provides an overview of some of the key concepts and literature in the study of gender and nationalism, including women; gender; the nation and the intersection of sexuality, race, and migration; and gender within nationalist imaginations. It offers some future research agendas that might be pursued in work on gender and nationalism—namely the gendered dimensions of populism or “new” nationalism.

Gendered Nationalism, Neo-Nomadism, and Ethnic-Based Exclusivity in Kyrgyz, Kazakh and Uzbek Nationalist Discourses

Existing literature on gender and nationalism has postulated that nationalist narratives tend to convey patriarchal and restrictive views of gender roles, with women’s domesticity and subordination at the core of such interpretations. This paper tests this theory by looking at three examples of state-sponsored or state-produced communication in Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan and Uzbekistan, arguing that the simple existence of a regime’s nationalist ideological orientation is not per se sufficient to explain or anticipate the kind of gender narratives a regime will adopt. Instead, the paper calls for an analysis of internal political mechanisms and incentives in order to explain and anticipate the specific forms that discourses around gender will take in a given political environment. In order to do so, it tries to combine the rational choice-based “Selectorate Theory” (Bueno de Mesquita et al., 2003) with existing literature on nationalism and gender, to define a connection between political systems on the one hand and discourses on the other.