Ethnic Identity and Patriotism in Adolescents: The Role of Age, Group Status and Social Context

The aim of this study was to examine age differences of minority and majority adolescents regarding ethnic identity, in-group bias (as a form of ethnic attachment), and constructive and blind patriotism (as a form of national attachment). The study was conducted in four multi-ethnic contexts in Croatia: Croatian-Czech, Croatian-Hungarian, Croatian-Serbian and Croatian-Italian. The results of N = 924 students of primary (sixth, seventh and eighth grade) and secondary (second, third and fourth grade) schools were analysed. The average age was M = 14.99, SD = 2.17 years. Younger pupils express higher levels of ethnic identity and blind patriotism, whereas constructive patriotism was more expressed in older students. There were no age differences in in-group bias. Minority pupils exhibit lower levels of bias, while majority members are more prone to bias in the Croatian-Serbian and Croatian- -Hungarian contexts. Furthermore, majority pupils are more willing to express constructive, but also blind patriotism.

North American Attitudes toward Immigrants and Immigration in the Time of COVID-19: The Role of National Attachment and Threat

Using a cross-national representative survey conducted during the COVID-19 pandemic, we examine predictors of attitudes toward immigrants and immigration in Canada and the United States, including general and COVID-related nationalism, patriotism, and perceived personal and national economic and health threats. In both countries, nationalism, particularly COVID-related nationalism, predicted perceptions that immigration levels were too high and negative attitudes toward immigrants. Patriotism predicted negative immigration attitudes in the United States but not in Canada, where support for immigration and multiculturalism are part of national identity. Conversely, personal and national economic threat predicted negative immigration attitudes in Canada more than in the United States. In both countries, national health threat predicted more favorable views of immigration levels and attitudes toward immigrants, perhaps because many immigrants have provided frontline health care during the pandemic. Country-level cognition in context drives immigration attitudes and informs strategies for supporting more positive views of immigrants and immigration.

Don’t burn our flag: patriotism, perceived threat, and the impact of desecrating a national symbol on intergroup attitudes

Desecration of national symbols is a recurring societal phenomenon that can lead to highly defensive reactions from some citizens, especially on the part of those expressing a strong attachment to the nation. In this paper, we investigated the effects of blind and constructive patriotism when faced with an ingroup (vs. outgroup) national flag burning on ingroup bias, taking into consideration the mediating role of perceived threat. In two studies (N = 252), the level of blind patriotism predicted stronger ingroup bias—due to more negative evaluation of visible minorities and/or more positive evaluation of the ingroup—when another ingroup member burnt an ingroup (vs. outgroup) flag. This effect was partly mediated by a greater threat to the group’s image perceived by blindly patriotic people when the ingroup (vs. outgroup) flag was burnt (Study 2). Study 2 also highlighted a main effect of the symbol: ingroup bias was stronger when the ingroup (vs. outgroup) flag was burnt. We discuss the implications of our findings with respect to the role played by modes of national attachment and the consequences of desecrating symbols.

IS TRADING WITH CHINA DIFFERENT? SELF-INTEREST, NATIONAL PRIDE, AND TRADE PREFERENCES

Despite increasing economic integrations with China, worries exist in China's neighboring countries about China's implicit political intention. Do people view trading with China differently? In this article, we incorporate the political context of trade agreements by showing that trade with partners who come with political costs is less likely to be supported. Using a nationally representative survey experiment from Taiwan, we find that trading with China garners less support than trading with Japan or Malaysia, and nationalism suppresses self-interest when the proposed trading partner is China. We show that national attachment, which is neither a proxy for political identification nor a proxy for national chauvinism, becomes a stronger predictor of trade preferences toward China. While the political tension between China and Taiwan is unique, many countries see at least one other country posing a negative externality. Our finding suggests strongly identified nationalists would oppose engaging with a hostile outsider regardless of their self-interest.

Don’t Burn our Flag: Patriotism, Perceived Threat, and the Impact of Desecrating a National Symbol on Intergroup Attitudes

Desecration of national symbols is a recurring societal phenomenon that can lead to highly defensive reactions from some citizens, especially on the part of those expressing a strong attachment to the nation. In this paper, we investigated the effects of blind and constructive patriotism when faced with an ingroup (vs. outgroup) national flag burning on ingroup bias, taking into consideration the mediating role of perceived threat. In two studies (N = 252), the level of blind patriotism predicted stronger ingroup bias—due to more negative evaluation of visible minorities and/or more positive evaluation of the ingroup—when another ingroup¬ member burnt an ingroup (vs. outgroup) flag. This effect was partly mediated by a greater threat to the group’s image perceived by blindly patriotic people when the ingroup (vs. outgroup) flag was burnt (Study 2). Study 2 also highlighted a main effect of the symbol: ingroup bias was stronger when the ingroup (vs. outgroup) flag was burnt. We discuss the implications of our findings with respect to the role played by modes of national attachment and the consequences of desecrating symbols.

The Development of a 9-Item Scale to Measure Anti-Immigrant Attitude toward the Middle East Refugees

The aims of this research were (1) to develop a valid and reliable instrument for measuring an anti-immigrant attitude toward the Middle East refugees, (2) to test whether ethnic minority political exclusionism and national attachment and self-sacrifice will associate with the anti-immigrant attitude, and (3) whether the Right-wing authoritarianism (RWA) and Social dominance orientation (SDO) will associate with a hostile attitude toward the Middle East refugees. Confirmatory factor analysis of a 9-item self-report instrument for measuring the anti-immigrant attitude toward the Middle East refugees yielded a single factor underpinned by the components of the triangular theory of hate: passion (fear), the negation of intimacy (repulsion), and commitment (devaluation). Two structural models for prediction the anti-immigrant attitude toward the Middle East refugees were developed. Ethnic minority political exclusionism and national attachment and self-sacrifice were significant predictors of the anti-immigrant attitude. RWA and SDO were also significant predictors of the anti-immigrant attitude. Thus, it appears that a 9-item scale to measure an anti-immigrant attitude toward the Middle East refugees is a valid and reliable self-report instrument.

Τυφλός και εποικοδομητικός πατριωτισμός, συλλογικός ναρκισσισμός και επιθετικότητα ενάντια σε εξω-ομάδες

The present study examines the effects of different forms of national attachment – namely blind patriotism (unquestioned attachment to one’s country), constructive patriotism (critical approach to in-group practices for the improvement of the country, Schatz, Staub, & Lavine, 1999), and collective narcissism (unrealistic beliefs about the in-group’s “greatness”, Golec de Zavala, Cichocka, Eidelson, & Jayawickreme, 2009) – on support for aggressive acts against low (immigrants) and high status (Germans) out-groups, using data collected from a sample of 124 Greek men and women. Results showed that collective narcissism had indirect effects on support for aggressive acts against both immigrants and Germans, through its effects on blatant and subtle prejudice (Pettigrew & Meertens, 1995). Blind patriotism had both direct and indirect effects (through blatant prejudice) on support for aggressive acts against immigrants only, while constructive patriotism had a direct negative effect on support for aggressive acts against Germans only. The discussion focuses on how these different forms ofnational attachment affect intergroup relations, depending on out-group status.

Attitudes toward Ethnocultural Diversity in Multilevel Political Communities: Comparing the Effect of National and Subnational Attachments in Canada

It is well documented that the strength of national attachment relates to attitudes toward ethnocultural diversity, and that the direction of the relationship varies across national contexts. Yet, little attention has been given to the fact that attachments may not be expressed solely at the national level. In federal and multinational states, individuals can express attachment to the country and to its territorial units. This study investigates the relationship between (national and provincial) attachments and attitudes toward ethnocultural diversity in the Canadian federation. Our findings indicate that stronger attachments to Canada lead to more positive attitudes toward ethnocultural diversity in all provinces. They also demonstrate that provincial attachments relate to attitudes toward ethnocultural diversity both in a minority nation provincial context (Quebec) and in other provinces (Alberta and Saskatchewan), but that the direction of this relationship can be of opposite direction than that for attachment to Canada.

National identity, a blessing or a curse? The divergent links from national attachment, pride, and chauvinism to social and political trust

Is it true that national identity increases trust, as liberal nationalists assume? Recent research has studied this side of the ‘national identity argument’ by focusing on conceptions of the content of national identity (often civic or ethnic) and their links to social, rather than political, trust. This paper argues that if we take social identity theory seriously, however, we need to complement this picture by asking how varying the strength – rather than the content – of a person’s sense of their national identity affects both their social and political trust. We break down the different dimensions of national identity, hypothesizing and empirically verifying that there are divergent links from national attachment, national pride, and national chauvinism to social and political trust. We do so with data from the US (General Social Survey) and the Netherlands (Longitudinal Internet Studies for the Social Sciences ), thus expanding current knowledge of national identity and trust to a highly relevant yet neglected European case.