Paradoxes of Ratification: The Nagoya Protocol and Brazilian State Transformations

This article explores the paradoxical behaviour of Brazil in relation to its national and international approaches to the regulations of access to genetic resources and benefits sharing with indigenous and other traditional communities. Brazil was one of the leaders in the international negotiations that led to the UN Nagoya Protocol but only ratified it 11 years later, after remarkable transformations of its internal biodiversity laws. We suggest that the seemingly contradictory behaviour has been shaped by the country’s internal political and ideological changes. This transformation goes hand in hand with substantial changes in state–society relations, particularly with regard to the balance of coalitions’ power between indigenous groups and industrial and agrarian elites. The article builds on the literature on state transformations and relies on the Advocacy Coalition Framework to show the importance of considering the impact of national-level politics on the fate of international agreements.

The social effects of anger in international negotiations: The role of self-regulation and bargaining power

<p>This thesis addresses recent calls to investigate the influence of individual differences in a negotiation context. Specifically, I investigate the impact of the personality difference, action orientation versus state orientation, on concessionary behaviour in international negotiations. This personality difference was chosen because it measures a negotiator’s capacity to self-regulate (control their behaviour) in a cognitively demanding situation like an international negotiation. I propose that action oriented negotiators will display superior self-regulation ability, compared to state oriented negotiators. Specifically, action oriented negotiators will be able to adapt their response and concede less than state oriented negotiators, when a foreign counterpart displays anger. In two online studies, I measure how action oriented and state oriented negotiators respond to a display of anger from a foreign counterpart in an international negotiation. The first study of 159 negotiators showed that action oriented individuals conceded fewer points than state oriented individuals, regardless of whether the counterpart displayed anger. The second study of 260 negotiators showed that action oriented individuals can adapt their behaviour according to their level of power in an international negotiation when facing an angry counterpart. As far as I am aware, this research is one of the first to propose and test the salience of action orientation versus state orientation on displays of anger in international negotiations. My findings highlight the value of incorporating individual differences in negotiation studies and I propose their inclusion into the dominant theoretical framework of how negotiators respond to anger. In addition to extending the model, I discuss how understanding these personality differences can be useful for multinational companies and their international negotiators.</p>

The social effects of anger in international negotiations: The role of self-regulation and bargaining power

<p>This thesis addresses recent calls to investigate the influence of individual differences in a negotiation context. Specifically, I investigate the impact of the personality difference, action orientation versus state orientation, on concessionary behaviour in international negotiations. This personality difference was chosen because it measures a negotiator’s capacity to self-regulate (control their behaviour) in a cognitively demanding situation like an international negotiation. I propose that action oriented negotiators will display superior self-regulation ability, compared to state oriented negotiators. Specifically, action oriented negotiators will be able to adapt their response and concede less than state oriented negotiators, when a foreign counterpart displays anger. In two online studies, I measure how action oriented and state oriented negotiators respond to a display of anger from a foreign counterpart in an international negotiation. The first study of 159 negotiators showed that action oriented individuals conceded fewer points than state oriented individuals, regardless of whether the counterpart displayed anger. The second study of 260 negotiators showed that action oriented individuals can adapt their behaviour according to their level of power in an international negotiation when facing an angry counterpart. As far as I am aware, this research is one of the first to propose and test the salience of action orientation versus state orientation on displays of anger in international negotiations. My findings highlight the value of incorporating individual differences in negotiation studies and I propose their inclusion into the dominant theoretical framework of how negotiators respond to anger. In addition to extending the model, I discuss how understanding these personality differences can be useful for multinational companies and their international negotiators.</p>

Semi-Formal Diplomacy

This chapter assesses semi-official diplomacy in the cyber domain. It begins by describing Track 2 and Track 1.5 diplomacy. Track 2 diplomacy consists of a broad spectrum of activities ranging from academic conferences designed to address specific conflict-related diplomatic issues to much more generic people-to-people contacts designed to create a climate of greater mutual understanding. Meanwhile, Track 1.5 diplomacy seeks to leverage the strengths of both Track 1 and Track 2 diplomacy. It became clear from an early stage that the United States, Russia, and China were in a position to determine the strategic evolution of the cyber domain due to their status as global geo-political actors, their advanced cyber capabilities, their possession of nuclear weapons, and their differences in values and ideology. Russia was the first to make a move towards semi-official diplomacy. Whereas Russia has taken a leading role in international negotiations on cyber governance and cybersecurity, China has arguably become more consequential in terms of how its relationship with the United States will shape the normative culture of the cyber domain. The chapter then considers other examples of semi-official diplomacy as well as prospects for further semi-official diplomacy in the cyber domain.

Technology

This chapter considers factors that may afford non-state actors like terrorists or extremists in the cyber field an opportunity to access offensive cyber means and how this threat might be best managed. It acknowledges that other terrorism-related areas identify a risk in focusing too narrowly on the technology, rather than dealing with motivations and intentions effectively. Similarly, recommendations from law enforcement authorities include preventing criminals from becoming involved in the first place. The main thrust of this chapter is on solutions and minimizing opportunities for violence from occurring rather than countering extremism itself. The concept of so-called ‘cyber terrorism’ is examined, including current perceptions on the degree of terrorist access to offensive cyber means. Several factors that could affect, to varying degrees, such proliferation of tools and techniques include the following: 1. Rising complexity and vulnerabilities in the cyber domain; 2. Maturing skills; 3. The nexus with criminal groups and hacktivists; 4. Levels of resilience; 5. Media exposure; and 6. International negotiations on state behaviour vis-à-vis cyber weapon proliferation.

Lead Groups in EU Foreign Policy: The Cases of Iran and Ukraine

Since the creation of the EU, there have been instances in which a restricted number of member states has handled an issue of international security on behalf of the Union. This article argues that, while controversial, these ‘lead groups’ have been a valuable practice. They have been effective in generating intra-EU consensus on specific issues and spurring the EU into action, thereby enabling a European response in the context of conflict management and complex international negotiations. Lead groups are sub-optimal arrangements compensating for the in-built institutional shortcomings of unanimity-based decision-making in EU foreign policy. As such, they do not bring integration further. They have nonetheless shown significant potential in giving initiative and content to EU foreign policy. This is shown through the analysis of two case studies, the Anglo-Franco-German trio involved in Iran’s nuclear issue and the Franco-German duo brokering a truce between Russia and Ukraine.

HOW SIMILAR AND HOW DIFFERENT ARE CONFLICTS OVER NAGORNO KARABAKH AND KOSOVO?

The science of international relations considers frozen conflicts to be situations in which, after the end of the war, either a satisfactory peace agreement is not reached or the conflicting parties remained in their own political positions, diametrically opposed in interpreting legal acts that contributed to the cessation of fighting. The Paper takes a comparative analysis of two frozen conflicts: the conflict over Nagorno-Karabakh and Kosovo and Metohija. By giving an overview of the political history of conflicts and disputes over these two territories, the Paper analyzes issues related to the legal status and attempts of international negotiations on the disputed territories, all in order to draw conclusions about the similarities and differences between the two "frozen conflicts" and the prospects for their permanent resolution. The main similarities between Kosovo and Metohija and Nagorno-Karabakh include post-socialist social circumstances, geopolitical position and importance of both regions, religious dimensions of interethnic conflicts, numerous historical and political circumstances, the course of international negotiations, etc. The main differences include the timing of secession, the legal aspect of secession, the role of the great powers, the degree of their support for the conflicting parties, the change of position of some of the great powers, the existence or non-existence of attempts at military reintegration of the secessionist entity, etc.

The Causes and Effects of Leaks in International Negotiations

International negotiations are founded on secrecy. Yet, unauthorized leaks of negotiating documents have grown common. What are the incentives behind leaks, and what are their effects on bargaining between states? Specifically, are leaks offensive or defensive: are they intended to spur parties to make more ambitious commitments, or are they more often intended to claw back commitments made? We examine these questions in the context of trade negotiations, the recurring form of which affords us rare empirical traction on an otherwise elusive issue. We assemble the first dataset of its kind, covering 120 discrete leaks from 2006 to 2015. We find that leaks are indeed rising in number. Leaks are clustered around novel legal provisions and appear to be disproportionately defensive: they serve those actors intent on limiting commitments made. The European Union (EU) appears responsible for the majority of leaks occurring worldwide. Using party manifesto data to track changing ideological positions within the EU, we find that the occurrence of leaks correlates with opposition to economic liberalization within the average EU political party. Moreover, leaks appear effective in shifting public debate. We examine trade officials' internal communications and media coverage in the wake of a specific leak of negotiations between Canada and the EU. A given negotiating text attracts more negative coverage when it is leaked than when the same text is officially released. In sum, political actors leak information strategically to mobilize domestic audiences toward their preferred negotiating outcome.

Impact of the COVID-19 Pandemic on International Negotiations

Aim. The presented study aims to analyze factors affecting the way international negotiations are organized and conducted in the context of the COVID-19 pandemic.Tasks. The authors determine the positive and negative consequences of the pandemic for international negotiations and predict further development of the situation in this area.Methods. This study uses general scientific methods of cognition to examine the problem of reorganization of business activity in various aspects and identify characteristic trends in the current economic situation.Results. The coronavirus pandemic has had a strong impact on the daily lives of people, their interactions, and business communication. COVID-19 has led to significant transformations in business communication, emergence and modernization of various services for online interaction, including for conducting business negotiations. It is against this background that the attention to cybersecurity issues as a threat in the transition to online communication has increased.Conclusions. Examination of the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic on the way international negotiations are organized and conducted makes it possible not only to identify factors affect ing the transformation of all activities, but also to assess the consequences of ongoing changes and developments in the field of business communication.