The Belarusian-Russian Military Alliance in the Context of the Geostrategic Importance of Belarus for Russia as a Way to the West and Its Role in Achieving Its Geopolitical Goals (Part 1)

This article by Grzegorz Baziur concerns the geostrategic importance of Belarus in the context of the „Russian road to the West” in the light of the neo-imperial policy of the Russian Federation, implemented by the authorities under the leadership of President Vladimir Putin. In the introduction, the author presented the aims of the article, research methods and his theses, and in the first part he described Belarusian-Russian relations in terms of military cooperation and the Russian vision of security policy in the West. In the last part of the text, the author asks the question - is there anything to fear from Belarus in the context of the Belarusian-Russian alliance under Russia's hegemony? In this part, he discusses the meanders of Polish-Belarusian relations with Russia in the background, and the whole article concludes with conclusions on the security perspectives of Belarus and its neighboring countries, including Poland.

Russian leverage in South-east Asia will grow modestly

Significance South-east Asia provides the Kremlin opportunities to advance its ‘great power’ interests. Meanwhile, the region remains a key theatre for the United States and China to play out their growing rivalry. Impacts Russia may try to sell nuclear power plants to the region, although it would face strong competition from other countries. Military action by Russia against Ukraine would hurt Moscow’s image in South-east Asia but no regional state would respond with sanctions. Russia-China relations will strengthen but the two countries will stop short of agreeing a formal political-military alliance.

RELATIONS BETWEEN RUSSIA AND CHINA FROM THE POSITION OF CHINESE MILITARY PHILOSOPHY

Целью статьи является рассмотрение общей тенденции отношений двух стран в контексте противостояния Китая давлению Запада. Используются методы общенаучной группы (анализ, синтез, дедукция, индукция); а также специальные методы: контентанализ научной литературы; фактографический анализ, метод ретроспективного анализа. Автор приходит к выводу, что китайская военная философия реализуется в стратегии «мягкой силы» Китая. В отношениях с Россией Китай не делает исключения из общих философских принципов взаимодействия с западной цивилизацией. Принципы военной философии Китая противоречат прогнозам о возможности военного союза с Россией. Теоретическая значимость исследования заключается в том, что отношения между Россией и Китаем рассматриваются с позиции основных принципов военной философии КНР. Aim. The aim is the considering of the general trend in relations between the two countries in the context of China’s opposition to Western pressure. Methodology. General scientific group methods (analysis, synthesis, deduction, induction); as well as special methods: content analysis of scientific literature; factual analysis, retrospective analysis method. Results. Chinese military philosophy is implemented in China’s «soft power» strategy. In relations with Russia, China makes no exceptions from the general philosophical principles of interaction with Western civilization. The principles of China’s military philosophy contradict forecasts of the possibility of a military alliance with Russia. The theoretical significance of the study lies in the fact that relations between Russia and China are viewed from the standpoint of the basic principles of the military philosophy of the PRC.

Undesirable Matches, Unfortunate Endings

This chapter addresses how the success of Amalia, Princess of Orange, in winning the Princess Royal, Mary, for her son William would haunt Elizabeth Stuart as the two competed to marry off their respective daughters Louise Henriette and Louise Hollandine. This rivalry was further complicated when, in June of 1644, Henrietta Maria sent the theologian Dr Stephen Goffe to Frederick Henry with a proposal to strengthen ties between the Houses of Stuart and Orange-Nassau. Goffe was to negotiate a marriage between the Prince of Wales and Louise Henriette, conditional on a military alliance: an offensive and defensive treaty between English Royalists, the Dutch, and the French. Frederick Henry rejected the offer outright. It was unfortunate that Elizabeth's daughter Louise Hollandine had already formed an attachment to Frederick William as early as 1636, and in 1642 Elizabeth's mother-in-law Louise Juliana and Charles had initiated official marriage negotiations. Elizabeth was then forced to come to terms with another undesirable match, that of her son Edward and Anne de Gonzaga, a princess of the House of Nevers, who had secretly married in April of 1645. Not only had Elizabeth not been consulted, but Edward had converted to Catholicism in the process.

The Dancing Floor of War: A study of Theban imperialism within Boeotia, ca. 525-386BCE

<p>This thesis is a reexamination of Thebes’ relationship with the neighbouring Greek poleis (city states) of Boeotia in early Greek history, including but not limited to the so-called Boeotian League or Confederation. Although it is generally acknowledged that Thebes was the dominant city of Boeotia in the Archaic and Classical Periods, scholarly opinion has varied on how to classify Thebes’ dominance. At some point in the period considered here, the Boeotian states gathered themselves together into a regional collective, a confederation. The features of this union (in which Thebes was the leading participant) obscure Thebes’ ambitions to subjugate other Boeotian states. I argue here that it is appropriate to define Thebes’ relationship with Boeotia as imperialist. I begin with a methodological consideration of the application of imperialism to ancient Greek history. The thesis considers in the first chapters three stages of development in Theban imperialism: firstly an early period (ca. 525) in which Thebes encouraged nascent Boeotian ethnic identity, promoting its own position as the natural leader of Boeotia. Secondly, a period (ca. 525–447) in which a military alliance of Boeotian states developed under the leadership of Thebes. Thirdly, a period which was the earliest true form of the Boeotian Confederation, contrary to scholarship which pushes the date of the Boeotian collective government back to the sixth century. I argue that the Boeotian federal constitution of 447–386 gave Thebes sufficient control of Boeotia to be classified as an imperialist structure. A final chapter independently considers the evidence of Boeotian coinage, which has often been used problematically to inform historical analysis of Boeotian relations. I argue that on cultural and economic grounds alone the numismatic evidence suggests that Thebes’ dominance in Boeotia extended to monetary influence.</p>

The Dancing Floor of War: A study of Theban imperialism within Boeotia, ca. 525-386BCE

<p>This thesis is a reexamination of Thebes’ relationship with the neighbouring Greek poleis (city states) of Boeotia in early Greek history, including but not limited to the so-called Boeotian League or Confederation. Although it is generally acknowledged that Thebes was the dominant city of Boeotia in the Archaic and Classical Periods, scholarly opinion has varied on how to classify Thebes’ dominance. At some point in the period considered here, the Boeotian states gathered themselves together into a regional collective, a confederation. The features of this union (in which Thebes was the leading participant) obscure Thebes’ ambitions to subjugate other Boeotian states. I argue here that it is appropriate to define Thebes’ relationship with Boeotia as imperialist. I begin with a methodological consideration of the application of imperialism to ancient Greek history. The thesis considers in the first chapters three stages of development in Theban imperialism: firstly an early period (ca. 525) in which Thebes encouraged nascent Boeotian ethnic identity, promoting its own position as the natural leader of Boeotia. Secondly, a period (ca. 525–447) in which a military alliance of Boeotian states developed under the leadership of Thebes. Thirdly, a period which was the earliest true form of the Boeotian Confederation, contrary to scholarship which pushes the date of the Boeotian collective government back to the sixth century. I argue that the Boeotian federal constitution of 447–386 gave Thebes sufficient control of Boeotia to be classified as an imperialist structure. A final chapter independently considers the evidence of Boeotian coinage, which has often been used problematically to inform historical analysis of Boeotian relations. I argue that on cultural and economic grounds alone the numismatic evidence suggests that Thebes’ dominance in Boeotia extended to monetary influence.</p>

Klaster Industri Budaya sebagai Dasar Manuver Politik Korea Selatan

In July 2016, South Korea agreed with its military alliance, the United States to install Terminal High Altitude Area Defense (THAAD) on its territory. This agreement is the embodiment of the interests of the two countries that were integrated. The United States's interests in spreading influence in the East Asian region and South Korea's interests in protecting the country from North Korea's nuclear test practices on the Korean Peninsula. But the THAAD installation was rejected by China, which considers the instrument as the trigger of tensions in the region and hampering China’s dominance. In expressing its disapproval, China imposed economic sanctions by boycott on South Korean-owned cultural industrial products, namely hallyu. In October 2017, South Korea approved China's request to change its THAAD policy through points listed in the Three NOs. The significant changes in South Korean foreign policy are questionable in this study. This study uses the theory of neorealism as a logical thinking and suggests that hallyu as the main reason for the political maneuvering chosen by South Korea as a boycott of China as the main market share of the hallyu has crippled the South Korean economy. South Korea chose a bandwagoning strategy in the midst of threats in order to be able to maintain the production and distribution of cultural products which are currently the main source of foreign exchange for the country. This research uses qualitative research methods with data collection by literature study. Keywords: South Korea, China, United States, THAAD, Boycott, Cultural Industry, Hallyu.

IS THE SHANGHAI COOPERATION ORGANIZATION MAKING A “NATO OF THE EAST”?

Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) is the largest regional origination in which Russia and China are founding members and recently Iran’s bid for full membership has been approved during the 21st summit of the SCO. These countries are against American hegemony and covertly and overtly demonstrate their concerns. SCO has been conducting military exercises regularly since 2002. Improving Strategic partnership between China and Russia, the presence of Iran, and military exercises of the SCO are matters of concern for the West. Some western scholars labeled it as “NATO of the East” and assessed it as an emerging military bloc. According to official documents and statements, SCO is a political and security organization based on cooperation and partnership and follows a non-interference policy. Does SCO contain components of a military alliance? Is SCO a military bloc or on the way to becoming in the future? This paper evaluates the SCO according to the theoretical concept of a military alliance besides comparative analysis of the SCO with NATO.

AMERICAN ANTI-MISSLE SHIELD, EASTERN EUROPEAN ASSET TO DISCOURAGE BALLISTIC ATTACKS

Air-missile defense is a mission of anti-aircraft missile troops known in the field as anti-missile shield. It describes an anti-ballistic area intended for research, discovery, interception and combat of surface-to-air or air-to-air missiles with ballistic trajectory. The existence of the anti-missile shield implies the creation of a security zone of allied states, institutional structures and population that can ensure their functionality and existence, deployed on an alignment (territories of several states), in order to maintain a state of normalcy and security. This defense system must include the threatened states, members of the politico-military alliance, regardless of their economic and military power. The security environment also concerns both the population of those countries and the objectives of great political, economic, strategic, critical and military infrastructure importance.