The prevalence and factors associated with depression among preclinical and clinical medical students at King Saud bin Abdulaziz University for Health Sciences, Jeddah

Objectives - To assess the prevalence of major depression among medical students. - To assess the risk factors of major depression among medical students. Background: Depression, a common mental disorder which has been considered a serious problem worldwide. Depression has a great negative impact on different aspects of a person’s life such as school performance, work productivity, relationships with family and friends, and ability to participate and become an active member in the community Design: cross sectional study. Review Methods and Data Sources: A survey has been conduct seeking respondents’ level of agreement rating scale with a series of statements of two questionnaire sections: Depression Anxiety Stress Scale (DASS21), and Medical Student Stressor Questionnaire (MSSQ). Data gathered through an online questionnaire that designed through method mentioned above and distributed to preclinical and clinical medical students at King Saud bin Abdulaziz University for Health Sciences, Jeddah. The study will be conducted at King Saud Bin Abdulaziz University for Health Sciences- Jeddah, Saudi Arabia. Results: The prevalence of depression anxiety stress for study participants 11.6%. The prevalence of medical student stressor scale rich about 6.1%. There is significant different depression anxiety stress scale according to gender of participants. Top 10 Statements out of 21 of depression anxiety stress scale according to respondents’ opinions are: 1. I felt that I was using a lot of nervous energy. 2. I found it difficult to work up the initiative to do things. 3. I found it hard to wind down. 4. I found it difficult to relax. 5. I found myself getting agitated. 6. I was worried about situations in which I might panic and make a fool of myself. 7. I felt downhearted and blue. 8. I experienced trembling (eg, in the hands). 9. I was unable to become enthusiastic about anything. 10. I was aware of dryness of my mouth. Conclusion: This study was prompted by the rise in depression anxiety disorder is considered the leading cause of disability worldwide. The results and discussion sections presented high prevalence of depression anxiety stress rich 11.6% within the study sample of the preclinical and clinical medical students at King Saud bin Abdulaziz University for Health Sciences, Jeddah. Since the prevalence of medical student stressor rich 6.1% for same sample size.

Concepts of Green Marketing

Many countries are now understanding the harm that we humans have created to the mother Nature and hence Governments are planning to reduce pollutions by utilising these Green Products. Coming to India our Government has been a very active member who understands the importance and is already working on utilising these Green Products for examples utilisation of the Solar energy with the help of these Green Products. Nowadays the Individual organisations are also brining in the Green practises in their working. This process of exploring the green products is a continuous journey which will yield the results over a period of time and the results would be a healthy environment to our next generations. The outcome shows an inspirational demeanour of marketing proficient, towards green marketing. Keywords: Green Marketing, Concepts, Ecological Marketing,

Medición y evaluación de la comunicación en empresas seleccionadas del gremio de comunicadores de Cancún / Measurement and evaluation of communication in selected companies of the Cancun communicators union

This paper inquired about how some selected professionals from the guild of communicators in Cancún grouped in the Association of Public Relations of Mexican Caribbean (ARPCM for its initials in Spanish) use measurement and evaluation. The research approach is qualitative, since the interest was to deepen in the phenomenon studied. A bibliographic and documentary review was used to form the theorical basis, as well as a semi-structured interview conducted virtually (which was recorded and subsequently transcribed) to a non-probabilistic purposive sample. Twenty-two subjects belonging to the ARPCM were chosen who met the following conditions: to be an active member of the Association in June 2021, that the terms Public Relations, Communication or Institutional Image appeared in the title of their position, and that they had been in the position for more than three years. Out of a population of 70 active members, 22 were selected: 2 belonging to civil associations, 5 to consulting agencies, 2 to hotels, 2 to restaurants, 3 to recreational parks, 2 to real estate agencies. 2 to travel agencies and 4 representing universities, from which 13 were women and 9 were men. Among the issues on which the interview focused were their conception of measurement and evaluation, whether they were doing it, and their satisfaction with the way in which they were currently carrying out this measurement and evaluation process. Also, there were inquiries about the indicators they used and if they were associated with their communication objectives, the main methods and the use given to the results, as well as the evaluation of the internal communication, indicators employed, among others. The results showed that they give the importance that these issues deserved, but are not completely satisfied with the way they put them into practice. On the other hand, they have evaluation indicators associated with their communication objectives, but the prevalence is on the measurement of products and effects, instead of results and impacts of communication; as well as they focus on reporting activities instead of goals, objectives and results that are correlated with those of the organization. At times of the so-called “new normality”, priority has been given to actions, messages, new media, but there is still something to be done for improvement in their evaluation; which is why, in the future, emphasis will have to be placed on this. Particularly, in improving knowledge about planning, goals, objectives, metrics, indicators, and their scope, as well as the possibilities to determine effects on the organization´s audiences. In view of the above, it is concluded that there is still a long way to go for the guild of communicators in Cancún in this regard.

„Stracone pokolenie” i kryzys tożsamości ukraińskich dipisów w powieści Enej ta žyttia inšyh Jurija Kosača

Yurii Kosach Poet, writer, and dramatist; nephew of Lesia Ukrainka; grandson of Olena Pchilka. After graduating from the Academic Gymnasium of Lviv, Kosach studied law at Warsaw University. He began publishing short stories in student newspapers in 1927. Between 1928 and 1929 he published most of his works in the nationalist journal Literaturno-naukovyi vistnyk edited by Dmytro Dontsov after he had broken off his relations with Dontsov in 1929. After the war he lived in displaced persons camps in Germany and was an active member of the writers’ organization MUR. In 1949 he immigrated to the United States. By far the largest and most interesting body of work is Kosach’s prose, written prior to his emigration to the United States and then in the last decade of his life, first of all Enei ta zhyttia inshykh (Aeneas and the Lives of Others, 1947) where he argued the issues of new Ukrainian culture with so called “lost generation”.

The Role of Cancer Charities in Breast Cancer Prevention in Iran

Background: Cancer is a significant public health problem, and its burden is increasing globally, especially in low- and middle-income countries. Cancer charities, alongside the government, could address health issues based on their goals. We studied the activities of cancer charities related to breast cancer (BC) prevention in Iran. Methods: We designed a situational analysis study. We abstracted the cancer charities’ objectives that were members of the “Iran Cancer National Network of NGOs and Charities (IRCNNC).” We also searched for their international activities. We reviewed the BC prevention programs conducted by Iranian cancer charities and collected their data and information regarding BC awareness and screening. Results: Overall, 43 charities were an active member of the IRCNNC and were engaged in 6 areas, including 1) financial and non-financial supports, 2) providing medical services, 3) providing accommodation to companions of the patients traveling from other cities, 4) supplying infrastructure and medical equipment to cancer hospitals, 5) conducting scientific and research activities, and 6) running educational and awareness campaigns. Most actions were on financial and non-financial supports. Seven charities are a member of the Union for International Cancer Control (UICC). Five charities reported their movement on BC prevention. Conclusion: Most charities did not document their prevention programs and did not follow an organized screening program. Training and capacity building is needed to support the cancer charities for the evidence-based cancer prevention program.

Proses Perubahan Diri Seorang Teroris menjadi Aktivis Perdamaian

This qualitative study was aimed at exploring the experience of a former member of a terrorist organization in Indonesia who have left his terrorist group and abandoned the extremist ideology. A life history method which focuses on the process of self-change and life transition of the former member of the terrorist group was employed A participant whose age is 40 years old and was a former active member of Jamaah Islamiyah (JI), a terrorist group, was recruited. He was captured in 2014 and served a sentence in prison for almost 4 years. He has been involved in counter-terrorism campaign organized by a non-government organization (NGO) since his release from prison until recently. Interviews were conducted to collect data which were then analyzed using a narrative analysis. Some written documents in the forms of articles and a published book produced by the participant as well as online news covering the participant’ stories were also examined. The findings inform how he became involved in the terrorist networks. The need for self-significance and adventurous experience seems to be the main drivers. After his capture, and during his imprisonment, he contemplated his participation in the terrorist networks. His meetings with religious experts and academicians facilitated by prison officers, and his awareness of burden he had inflicted on his family because of his terrorism case had opened his mind. He experienced a turning life moment which made him keeping distance from other terrorist inmates with the risk of receiving negative view from them. After his release, he found passion in writing and eventually reached a NGO and joined it as a credible voice in the campaigns of counter violent extremism through writing and public speaking.

Digital and the modern smart home

For the best part of a decade, the smart home has been on the cusp of becoming a reality, writes Alex Bardell, Co-founder of Sustainability for London, Founder of SDAdvocate and active member of the BCS Green IT SG.

Till Death Do Us Part?: Exploring the Influence of Deceased Romantic Partners on the Lives of Older Women

Recent research integrating the hierarchical mapping technique (HMT) and the continuing bonds framework has suggested that deceased individuals may be influential social convoy members. Building off this pilot work, the current qualitative descriptive study focused on how older women viewed the role of a longstanding deceased romantic partner in their current social network. Twenty women (Mean age = 78 years), recruited via social media and snowball sampling, participated in one 90-minute semi-structured interview. Each discussed their bereavement journey and completed a HMT diagram to comment on their social network and the presence or absence of the deceased within it. Nineteen participants described the deceased as being an active member of their convoy. Interestingly, 15 women placed them within the innermost circle of the diagram, separate from their other network members. Thematic analysis of interview transcripts expanded upon the HMT diagram exercise to reveal five major themes: “We’re part of each other,” “I think he supports me,” “He would want me to be happy,” “I just feel so grateful,” and “I think about him every day but I don’t talk about him every day". Perceptions that deceased romantic partners continue to play a key role in participants' lives offers researchers and practitioners with a unique opportunity to examine how losses are experienced and carried into old age. Further, this study may assist with the development of interventions that help support bereaved individuals, specifically, interventions that focus on destigmatizing continuing bond expressions and provide assistance with communicating memorialization preferences.

Actually or Potentially Within Reach: The Place of China in New Zealand’s Grand Strategy 1965-1972

<p>In 1965 New Zealand was an active member of alliances designed to contain the People’s Republic of China in South East Asia. Late the previous year, the Defence Council had warned Cabinet that New Zealand could be at war with China and/or Indonesia in six months. Less than seven years later New Zealand recognised China, as Britain and the US military presences were exiting from South East Asia. These events bookend a radical reshaping of New Zealand’s defence policies and its attitude towards China. The existing scholarship on New Zealand’s Cold War defence policies has underemphasised the role of China in New Zealand’s grand strategy and the scholarship on Sino-New Zealand relations has also largely ignored defence policy. This thesis uses recently released files from the Ministry of Defence to provide new insight into the construction of China as a threat during the mid-1960s and the challenges faced in meeting that perceived threat. New Zealand’s Forward Defence policy was one designed to contain China and Beijing-supported revolutionary groups in South East Asia. This strategy was predicated on active British or American support for containment. SEATO and ANZAM provided the basis of New Zealand war planning and day-to-day operations in Asia respectively. With the British decision to withdraw from South East Asia and the American quagmire in Vietnam, New Zealand had to reassess its position in South East Asia as containment of China was no longer thought possible. The need for a containment strategy was based upon a conceptualisation of China as a growing and hostile power. This view saw China as eventually developing the means to dominate South East Asia and threaten Australasia directly as Japan had done in 1942. This perception of China changed with the emergence of the Cultural Revolution. New Zealand officials watched from Hong Kong as violence and mass political disorder challenged established sources of authority. They took the view that Mao was in direct command of the revolution and was placing limits on it. The revolution destroyed the notion that China was a growing power bent on external expansion. As Mao moved to dampen the revolution, Beijing moved to re-establish its foreign policy and improve its links with the outside world. Both the means and ends of New Zealand’s grand strategy changed at the same time. New Zealand and its great power allies abandoned the containment project just as views on China shifted. From the end of the 1960s, New Zealand’s Forward Defence efforts ceased to be focused on the containment of China and moved to achieving much more limited goals. New security arrangements were developed to replace the AMDA, ANZAM, and SEATO pacts. The Five Power Defence Arrangements would provide the basis of New Zealand’s defence commitment to South East Asia with only limited assistance from Britain and without China as a significant threat. It is in this context that New Zealand made the decision to recognise China. New Zealand Prime Minister Keith Holyoake long maintained the view that the PRC should enter the United Nations and be recognised by New Zealand, provided the position of Taiwan was preserved. Once the effort to keep Taiwan in the UN was lost, New Zealand moved slowly toward recognition. However, it would take the election of the Third Labour Government for recognition to occur. This move was part of an international trend towards official relations with Beijing, but for New Zealand, the shift was greater as Wellington had moved from seeing China as a growing military threat to a state with which New Zealand could have an official dialogue.</p>

Actually or Potentially Within Reach: The Place of China in New Zealand’s Grand Strategy 1965-1972

<p>In 1965 New Zealand was an active member of alliances designed to contain the People’s Republic of China in South East Asia. Late the previous year, the Defence Council had warned Cabinet that New Zealand could be at war with China and/or Indonesia in six months. Less than seven years later New Zealand recognised China, as Britain and the US military presences were exiting from South East Asia. These events bookend a radical reshaping of New Zealand’s defence policies and its attitude towards China. The existing scholarship on New Zealand’s Cold War defence policies has underemphasised the role of China in New Zealand’s grand strategy and the scholarship on Sino-New Zealand relations has also largely ignored defence policy. This thesis uses recently released files from the Ministry of Defence to provide new insight into the construction of China as a threat during the mid-1960s and the challenges faced in meeting that perceived threat. New Zealand’s Forward Defence policy was one designed to contain China and Beijing-supported revolutionary groups in South East Asia. This strategy was predicated on active British or American support for containment. SEATO and ANZAM provided the basis of New Zealand war planning and day-to-day operations in Asia respectively. With the British decision to withdraw from South East Asia and the American quagmire in Vietnam, New Zealand had to reassess its position in South East Asia as containment of China was no longer thought possible. The need for a containment strategy was based upon a conceptualisation of China as a growing and hostile power. This view saw China as eventually developing the means to dominate South East Asia and threaten Australasia directly as Japan had done in 1942. This perception of China changed with the emergence of the Cultural Revolution. New Zealand officials watched from Hong Kong as violence and mass political disorder challenged established sources of authority. They took the view that Mao was in direct command of the revolution and was placing limits on it. The revolution destroyed the notion that China was a growing power bent on external expansion. As Mao moved to dampen the revolution, Beijing moved to re-establish its foreign policy and improve its links with the outside world. Both the means and ends of New Zealand’s grand strategy changed at the same time. New Zealand and its great power allies abandoned the containment project just as views on China shifted. From the end of the 1960s, New Zealand’s Forward Defence efforts ceased to be focused on the containment of China and moved to achieving much more limited goals. New security arrangements were developed to replace the AMDA, ANZAM, and SEATO pacts. The Five Power Defence Arrangements would provide the basis of New Zealand’s defence commitment to South East Asia with only limited assistance from Britain and without China as a significant threat. It is in this context that New Zealand made the decision to recognise China. New Zealand Prime Minister Keith Holyoake long maintained the view that the PRC should enter the United Nations and be recognised by New Zealand, provided the position of Taiwan was preserved. Once the effort to keep Taiwan in the UN was lost, New Zealand moved slowly toward recognition. However, it would take the election of the Third Labour Government for recognition to occur. This move was part of an international trend towards official relations with Beijing, but for New Zealand, the shift was greater as Wellington had moved from seeing China as a growing military threat to a state with which New Zealand could have an official dialogue.</p>